Blood and Belief: The PKK and the Kurdish Fight for Independence

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NYU Press, 1 Aug 2007 - Political Science - 366 pages

This in-depth study of the Kurdistan Workers' Party combines reportage and scholarship for “a scholarly, gripping account” (The Economist).

The Kurds, who number some twenty-eight million people in the Middle East, have no country to call their own. Yet today, they are highly visible actors on the world's political stage. To understand modern-day Kurds—and their continuing demands for an independent state—we must understand the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). A guerilla force founded in 1978, the PKK radicalized the Kurdish national movement in Turkey, becoming a tightly organized, well-armed fighting force of some 15,000, with a 50,000-member civilian militia in Turkey and tens of thousands of active backers in Europe. 

Aliza Marcus, one of the first Western reporters to meet with PKK rebels, wrote about their war for many years before being put on trial in Turkey for her reporting. Based on her interviews with PKK rebels and their supporters and opponents throughout the world—including the Palestinians who trained them, the intelligence services that tracked them, and the dissidents who tried to break them up—Marcus provides an in-depth account of this influential radical group.

Blood and Belief combines reportage and scholarship to give the first in-depth account of the PKK. Aliza Marcus, one of the first Western reporters to meet with PKK rebels, wrote about their war for many years for a variety of prominent publications before being put on trial in Turkey for her reporting. Based on her interviews with PKK rebels and their supporters and opponents throughout the world—including the Palestinians who trained them, the intelligence services that tracked them, and the dissidents who tried to break them up—Marcus provides an in-depth account of this influential radical group.

 

Contents

Introduction
1
Prologue
7
I Ocalan Kurds and the PKKs Start
13
II The PKK Consolidates Power
87
III PKK Militants Fight for Control
153
IV Ocalans Capture and After
237
Conclusion
301
Timeline
307
Notes
313
Bibliography
335
Index
343
About the Author
351
Copyright

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Page 1 - The end of the war did not mean the end of 'the state of emergency'.
Page 15 - This consisted mainly of labor on the cotton plantations of the Mesopotamian plain two hundred metres below. All except the very old or very young would descend to the plain daily, to work an eleven-hour day. For this the rates of pay were US$1 for a child, $1.50 for a woman, and $2 for a man.
Page 11 - Hussein to boast thai the Kurdish organizations would never be able to achieve anything since they were hopelessly divided against each other and subservient to foreign powers . . .." '8 Saddam Husain gab einen teilweisen Abzug des Militärs aus den kurdischen Gebieten des Irak bekannt.
Page 247 - We could overcome the PKK easily if we had arms and ammunition," boasted KDP foreign relations chief Sami Abdul-Rahman in the middle of the clashes with the PKK. "[But] the ammunition especially is important because we do not wish to use up our ammunition in fighting the PKK and then end up in a weak position if we are attacked by the...
Page 16 - Even though it was forced on me this first time, my tendency for action [toward taking revenge] had started. I began to be an attacker; I cracked the heads of many children,"7 he recalled.
Page 315 - The Last Years of Mustafa Barzani," Middle East Quarterly, June 1994, Vol.
Page 18 - I did not catch the faintest breath of Kurdish nationalism which the most casual observer in Iraq cannot fail to notice."13 new, liberal approach to civil and political rights.
Page 16 - Not even his relatives took him seriously, and he was hurt by them. It was as if he did not exist, he was gone,"6 Ocalan said in one wide-ranging interview in the early 1990s.
Page 17 - I recall having a sense of regret," noted Ocalan, referring back to that period when his sister was married. "[I was thinking that] if I were a revolutionary, then I would not let this happen. They would not be able to take her away."8 Like many small settlements, Omerli did not have its own elementary school.

About the author (2007)

Marcus Aliza : Aliza Marcus is formerly an international correspondent for The Boston Globe and lives in Washington, D.C. She covered the PKK for more than eight years, first as a freelance reporter for the Christian Science Monitor and later as a staff writer for Reuters, receiving a National Press Club Award for her reporting. She is also a recipient of a MacArthur Foundation grant for her work.

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