VOL. XXX. No. 24.] Written in England JUNE 15.-Published at New-York SEPT. 14, 1816, 7371 TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. LETTER XVII. [738 (the best I could get) report of the Speech of Sir FRANCIS BURDETT upon this occasion. You will see how he treats the ty rants. But I can assure you, that very few men would have dared to utter such Parliamentary Reform.-Letter to the words; and, that even he would have been Electors of Westminster.-Great Meet-seized hold on for it some years ago. ing in London. Botley, 15th June, 1816. This subject of REFORM is of the greatest consequence to every one, who looks with anxiety towards what is to happen in England. Reform is a matter of as much importance to us as Independence was to you. So little have you heard of this, through the hired channels which have supplied you with intelligence from England, that it is not very surprising that you do not appear to attach much importance to a question which must, if not decided in favour of the people, produce a struggle of a nature too bloody for any 'man to think of without horror. I have before exposed the infamy of the Boroughmongers. In the present number I wish to give you, if possible, an adequate idea of the warfare that we are carrying on against them. The number will consist of a letter from myself to the Electors of Westminster. This letter will speak for itself; only I should observe to you, that the subject of it was of a degree of importance to our cause, of which it is impossible to give you an adequate notion. The Oligarchy, with all its army, will not venture to lay hands on him again. An attempt to send him to the Tower again would certainly fail; and then, the despots must look sharply about them. These base usurpers of our rights pretend to believe, that Sir Francis Burdett aims at producing" Anarchy and Confu sion." They know well to the contrary, He has one of the largest estates in the kingdom. His estate is clear of all incumbrances. His income is far beyond his outgoings. He must lose by a convul sion. Besides, his mild temper, his domestic habits, his love of rural pleasures and of books, his learning, his wisdom, his kind and generous disposition: all forbid the belief, that he can wish for any thing more than he professes to wish for. He is sincerity itself; the frankest, most familiar, least conceited man that I ever saw. Slow to pronounce even against an enemy. In short, I believe that there is hardly a good quality in man which he has not. And, this is the map whom our Oligarchs, or rather their hirelings, call a demagogue! After this letter follows a Declaration, The Oligarchy stand in great dread of agreed to the other day, at a very large him. They themselves say no evil of this meeting held in London, and consisting of champion of reform, whom they would at gentlemen from all parts of England, and any time gladly conciliate; that is to say, some from Scotland and Ireland. This corrupt. This they will never accomDeclaration is from the admirable pen of plish. The confidence of the people in MAJOR CARTWRIGHT; and, when you have him is, as it ought to be, without limit. read that declaration, and the speech by There is no man in England doubts the which it was introduced, I beg you to re-integrity of Sir Francis Burdett, any more. collect, that the author is seventy-five years than he doubts of his own existence. of age. Pray read every word with attention; and, I hope that there is not a heart in America which will not warm towards this brave and persevering defender of the rights of mankind. Upon reading my letter to the electors of Westminster, you will think, that I may have exaggerated in speaking of his talents. But, read his speech and his declaration. To these I have added a very imperfect The opinions, and the very words of such a man, at such a time, are of great importance. His opinions upon the subject of reform, you will gather from his speech; which speech, together with that of the venerable Cartwright, will, I hope, convince you, that little old England has still some men left worthy of inhabiting the native soil of Hampden and of Sidney. And I will hope, besides, that, our great cause being well understood amongst you, we shall have your sympathy. The same despotism that has just aimed a blow at your liberties, have ours under their feet. Sir Francis Burdett, in his speech at the Westminster Anniversary, told the meet-ration of those blessings to our country? ing, that the blood of England had been shed for the purpose of enslaving all the world; that this detestable Oligarchy had not left a single country upon earth unenslaved: " Yes," said he, "I am wrong: "there is one country; yet, even that "country the cruel and unnatural monster "endeavoured to render miserable; but "I thank God it failed; I thank God it was beaten and driven off in disgrace!" There was thundering applause upon the uttering of this sentence. We sympathize with you; and we hope, that you will be so just, as to give us at least your good wishes, seeing that our enemy is also your bitter foe. We hope, that you will have the justice to distinguish between an oppressed people and their crafty oppressors. We are convinced, that botir nations may be great without being enemies; and we delight in the thought, that many of us who are now struggling against this despotism, may see the day, when, disembarrassed of this tyranny, the two nations, Instead of being an affliction, may be a blessing to each other. good and true Englishmen, if we neglect to consider and to discuss, while there is time for consideration and discussion, what measures we ought to adopt, and that are within our power, for the resto There are various ways in which you are able to serve this great national cause; but, in no way so effectually, as by a just and judicious exercise of your right of choosing your representatives in Parliament, which right you, and you alone, really and practically possess; and, it being, in my opinion, of the utmost consequence to the success of the cause of reform, that your next choice of a person to have the honour of representing you, and of being the colleague of Sir Francis Burdett, should be fixed on a man the most fit in the whole kingdom, I have thought it my duty to address you upon the subject. TO THE WM. COBBETT. ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER, Botley, 15th June, 1816. GENTLEMEN, We are now all well convinced, that the real cause of the evils, with which our country is afflicted, is the want of a reform in the Commons' House of Parliament; and, therefore, it becomes our duty to take into our serious consideration what we ourselves ought to do in order to assist in the producing of such reform. It becomes us, too, to enter upon this consideration in time. What man is there, who, in his private concerns, puts off, to the last moment, the preparation for the adopting of any step which he deems essential to his prosperity or happiness? And, therefore, if we deem parliamentary reform essential to the prosperity and happiness of England, do we act the part of As an introduction to the remarks which it is my intention to submit to you, and, indeed, as the grounds on which those remarks have appeared to me to be the more pressingly called for, I will first state, in as brief and clear a manner as I am able, certain circumstances which came to light at the recent celebration of the anniversary of the glorious triumph of principle over corruption in the City of Westmin ster. That triumph, Gentlemen, was so complete; it was, as Mr. Windham, in a speech in the House of Commons, confessed it to be, so 66 unmixedly meritorious;" it was, in itself, so honourable, and, in its effects, so beneficial to our country, that I always feel respect and gratitude towards those who, in any degree, distinguished themselves on that memorable occasion. And, if I now am compelled to call in question the conduct of any of the individuals to whom I allude, I beg you clearly to understand, that I impute that conduct by no means to evil intention, but to error. Of the political errors of others, I am well aware that it becomes nobody to speak with more lenity than myself; for, though justice has been seldom done to me in this respect, I shall, I hope, never think of denying justice in return. Being invited as a guest to the Dinner on the 23d of May, I went, as requested by letter, to the private room of the Stewards, where I saw the List of Toasts, which had been prepared by the managing. committee. I need not tell you, Gentle men, that Toasts, upon such occasions, contain opinions, well weighed beforehand, and intended to go forth as the solemnly promulgated sentiments of the meeting. It is, therefore, of the greatest consequence, not only that the sentiments be sound, but, that, if particular persons be placed at the head of them, the names of those persons should stand on the list in the order in which the persons themselves stand, as public men, in the estimation of the Meeting. which was, that, in consequence of a declaration, that, if my tongue did not fail its office, I never would, in silence, sit in the room and hear the name of any man living toasted, after the two Members, before Major Cartwright, Mr. Brougham's name was taken out, and that of "the honest, "true-hearted Englishman,' "introduced in its stead; and in that amended order the name of the latter was given at the dinner. Yet (and at this you will be astonished) the List of the Toasts, as originally drawn On the list, of which I am now speak-up, was afterwards sent for publication, ing, stood, first, "the People," next, and was actually published in the ADVER"the King," and then "the Princess TISER, which it is well known, I believe, "Charlotte, ," with an appropriate senti- has the greatest circulation of any daily ment subjoined to each. Next came " Sir paper in London; and this, too, notwithFrancis Burdett," and after him "Lord standing the toast of Mr. BROUGHAM was "Cochrane," the two representatives of never given at all, he having, long after the City of Westminster. Thus far all the company had dined, sent an apology was unexceptionable; but, what was my for not attending. t points of the greatest consequence. Through the means of this publication, a meeting of, I believe, about four hundred gentlemen, assembled together from all parts of England, and some from Scotland and Ireland, having Sir Francis Burdett as Chairman, stand exhibited to the nation at large, as having placed Mr. Brougham the first in public merit after the Members for Westminster, and as having preferred even Mr. Curwen before Major Cartwright! surprise upon seeing the next in order, Thus, by the means of somebody, I do "HENRY BROUGHAM, Esq. the enlightened not pretend to say of whom, a very gross "advocate of the people's rights!" This misrepresentation of the proceedings of surprise, however, was soon changed into the meeting was sent forth to the public, indignation, when, after a long list of and this misrepresentation, too, upon Toasts, and some, too, at best, of very trifling import, I found, almost at the very bottom of the List, and even after the name of Mr. Curwen, who was one of the first to " rally round" Perceval in order to send Sir Francis Burdett to the Tower under the escort of a regiment of guards; when, even after this name, I found that of Major Cartwright! The venerable and venerated Major Cartwright; the real advocate of the people's rights; he who has literally spent a life in advocating those rights; he to whom we owe more, perhaps, than to any other human being, the still existence of sound constitutional principles, the man who is beloved by every friend of freedom who ever heard the sound of his name, and of whom even its bitterest foes dare not, for their own character's sake, speak with disrespect; the man, whom Sir Francis Burdett, during his admirable speech, in an hour afterwards, distinguished by way of excellence as "the honest, true-hearted Englishman!" Gentlemen, I am afraid, that my conduct and language, upon making this discovery, were not precisely such as sober reason would have dictated even under circumstances so irritating. I will, therefore, not detain you by a detail of that, to which I look back with no pleasing sensations, but will proceed to the result, But, Why, Gentlemen, were there no other motive than that of rescuing a meeting, at which I was present, from such foul disgrace, that motive alone would be sufficient to call forth this address. there are other motives, and those much more powerful, by which I am actuated upon the present occasion, and which will induce me to cast aside all reserve of every description. I had, for some time, known, that it was the intention of certain persons, who have been active in Westminster, to endeavour to promote the views of Mr. Brougham, which evidently were to obtain a seat for that City; and, the Toast before mentioned, especially when I looked at the order in which it stood, appeared to me to be a complete confirmation of what I had heard upon the subject. You will please also to bear in mind the curious circumstances attending Mr. Brougham's appearance at, and disappearance from, the last meeting in Palace Yard. All the persons, who were present at that numerous meeting, know, that Mr. Brougham was formally announced and introduced to the meeting by Mr. Wishart; and, that the meeting were informed by the last-mentioned gentleman, that they would be presently addressed by Mr. Brougham. He did not name Mr. Brougham here; but, the description and allusion were too plain to be misunderstood. In short, it was clear, that this occasion had been fixed on for the purpose of introducing Mr. Brougham to you as a preliminary to further proceedings; which scheme was defeated in the manner which I will presently describe. Before the Meeting in Palace Yard took place, a meeting had been held by a Committee to settle upon what should be moved and urged at the Palace Yard Meeting. At this meeting of the Committee Mr. Brougham himself attended; and, which I beg you to bear in mind, there was agreed upon, while he was present, a Resolution, to be moved at Palace Yard, containing an expression of the thanks of the people of Westminster to the Opposition Members for their having supported the rights of the people. Upon this resolution's passing, (of which the framers had no doubt,) Mr. Brougham was, of course, to come forward and address the people in return. that the only objection made to him, was, that he was a lawyer; and, 2d, that he did not appear at the Palace Yard Meeting with any intention to speak, he not being an elector of Westminster ! Gentlemen, I should be sorry to impute wilful falsehood to any person of respectability, and more particularly to a person of Mr. Brougham's great talents. But, how are we to account, then, for Mr. Wishart's announcing Mr. Brougham to the meeting? How are we to account for his telling the meeting to expect to hear that gentleman speak? How are we to account for Mr. Brougham's going upon the hustings, erected for the use of the speakers? How are we to account for Mr. Brougham's attending the previous Committee of arrangement, at which Mr. Wishart also attended, and to attend at which required him to be an elector as much, or more, than to speak required it? In short, it would be to trifle with you; it would be to insult your understandings, to pretend to believe, that the whole thing was not prepared for the introduction of Mr. Brougham's speech, as much as any piece was ever prepared for exhibition at a theatre. And yet, if the report of the debate in the House of Commons be correct, Mr. Brougham did assert, that he went to that Meeting without any intention to speak! The scheme having, however, been frustrated here, the misled friends of Mr. Brougham seem to have resolved on maTherefore, when the Resolution was king another effort at the dinner of the 23d. moved, he stood ready for the performance I was, therefore, particularly attentive to of his part of the ceremony. But, to the what I saw going on for this purpose; utter discomfiture of the whole project, Mr. and, the scheme was, as you have seen, Hunt came forward, and opposed the mo- once more blown to air. But, seeing that tion of thanks, which motion, when put to it might again be revived; seeing the the vote, you negatived without one single parties so pertinacious, I thought it my dissenting voice. Mr. Brougham, how-duty not to let slip the occasion of respectever, did not wait for the decision. Mr. fully offering my opinion to the company Hunt had not half finished the statement upon the subject of their choice (in case of his objections to the vote of thanks, when Mr. Brougham thought proper to withdraw; or, more properly speaking, to decamp. of a vacancy) of a gentleman to be the colleague of Sir Francis Burdett. And, in order to avoid the possibility of being misunderstood, and, if possible, of being misrepresented, I put my opinion upon paper, in the form of distinct propositions, which paper I read to the meeting, or company, in the following words : Now, Gentlemen, it is necessary that we call to mind, that since the meeting in Palace Yard, it has been stated in the newspapers, that Lord Castlereagh has, in the House of Commons, taunted Mr. "That it is now manifest to all men, Brougham with this mark of the people's" that the evils, under which our country disapprobation, and especially with the "labours, arise solely from the want of a precipitate retreat from your presence; and" Constitutional Reform in the Commons' the newspapers have also informed us, that "House of Parliament. Mr. Brougham asserted, in answer, 1st, "That, assembled, as we are, to cele 46 66 can be found, who will say, that such a man ought not to be chosen? And, "who will say, that such a man is not "found in Major Cartwright? 66 "brate the triumph of purity of election in " ter perfectly spotless; if such a man "this city, it becomes us to think seriously, "and betimes, on what we ourselves ought to do, in order further to aid the 66 cause of Reform, whenever an oppor-· "tunity for that purpose shall offer. "That as to the effect of this choice "That the city of Westminster, since" (leaving aside the indulgence of those "its emancipation from the thraldom in" feelings of gratitude which we all enter"which it was held by the intrigues of a tain) it would set a great and striking crafty Oligarchy, and particularly after" example to the country; it would give "the admirable manner in which they" the Oligarchy a blow that would make "chose the Honourable Baronet who" it hang its head abashed; it would ennow fills the chair, has been deservedly" able the venerable champion of Reform "looked up to by the rest of the nation," to meet its enemies face to face; it as the source of sentiments to be held," would waft on the wings of even the "and of actions to be imitated. "hired part of the press those facts and "That, therefore, it is of the utmost im-" principles, which, in spite of all his exportance, that in no part of the conduct" ertions, are now confined by a partial "of the electors of Westminster there" and narrow calculation; and, if even a "should be any thing, in the smallest de-" few years (for he has courage to hear "gree, equivocal; and that, more espe- the calculation) should deprive us of cially in their choice of a person to be" him for ever, they will, at any rate, "the future colleague of the Honourable" have been so many years of glory to Baronet, their conduct should be such" the cause, and so many years of shame as to leave not the smallest doubt in the" and confusion to its foes." "mind of any human being, that the Citizens of Westminster will never rest sa"tisfied with any thing short of a full and "fair representation and annual Parlia 66 66 "ments. 66 This paper, which was read by me just after Major Cartwright had spoken, had been written about two hours before the dinner, but had been shown to nobody, and I never had mentioned the subject to "That we ought to feel, as to this Major Cartwright in my life. It was "great national cause, the same degree of not intended to propose the paper as "earnestness and anxiety, that we feel Resolutions to be adopted by the Meet"for the success of any weighty private ing. I merely read it, after a short introconcern; that when we wish to pre- duction, as the expression of my own deliserve our property or our lives, we re-berate opinion; and, I was happy to per"sort to the aid of the lawyer and the ceive, that it contained an expression of physician whom we deem most likely the opinion of the Meeting, signified by "to effect the purpose in view, wholly its unqualified approbation. During the casting aside all considerations of deli- remaining part of the evening, after the "cacy, all the ties of private intercourse Chairman and Major Cartwright bad re"and of friendships; and that, unless the tired, a Gentleman asked me to give him "electors of Westminster, in the case con- a copy of the paper, in order to his hav"templated, entertain and act upon the ing it published. Having no copy, I gave same sort of earnestness and anxiety, him the original, which has not been re"the cause of Reform must materially turned to me. But I can safely trust my "suffer. memory for every sentiment; and, I believe, for every word. 66 66 66 66 Now, Gentlemen, though I cannot more clearly express my opinion than I have That, if a man can be found, whose "attachment to the cause of Reform can "no more admit of doubt than can the ex"istence of the sun; whose zeal and per-done it in this paper, as to who ought to be severance in that cause surpass all that was ever heard of, of those qualities, in any other man; whose experience, "knowledge, and talents, as applied to "this subject, stand wholly unrivalled; and, if to these it be added, that he is an English gentleman, born and bred, "of fortune independent, and of charac chosen, the occasion calls for some remarks as to who ought not to be chosen ; and, I have no scruple to say, that Mr. Brougham ought not to be chosen on any account. I object to him, in the first place, because he is a lawyer, practising at the bar. In the long list of lawyers, who have, during this king's long, very |