diffenters and fub-diffenters from this religious establishment, (though avowedly the minority of the community) not only fets up his own judgment in defiance and contradiction to the most folemn act of the majority, but he also treats it as an act of extreme folly and mischief.

As the legislative power does not attempt to fubject the intellects of individuals to the propriety or rectitude of its acts, but only to enfure their external and peaceable fubmiffion to them when once enacted; the want of reason, or even depravity of motive in enacting the laws, can never justify a public or external oppofition or refiftance againft them. I do not precifely know the proportion, which the number of diffenters of all denominations in this country bears to that of the establishment; but for argument fake I will fuppofe, that three out of nine millions are diffenters: there will remain fix millions, who certainly have individually as much right, and collectively more right to give civil fanction to their religion, than the three millions have to object against it. For by their making fuch an establishment, they do not enforce nor impofe the belief of their religion upon the minds and confciences of individuals; but prefuming, as the fact is,

The reafons and legiflators in

motives of the

paffing laws,

no juftification refift them.

of those who

Reafons why

the community

that the adoption of religion is the free act of each of them, they agree to acknowledge and declare by a public civil act of that power, which is avowedly in them, that a particular religion is that, in the adoption of which the majority does concur.

And be

cause the majority does thus concur in its adoption, they think proper to appropriate a certain part of the national fund, of which they are the difpenfers, to the maintenance and fupport of the minifters of this religion, and they inveft them, according to their degrees, with certain civil or legal rights, benefits, and advantages; and in these alone. confifts the civil establishment of a religion. In justice, however, to the majority of our community, who infift upon fuch an incorporation of an ecclefiaftical with the civil establishment of the ftate, I cannot omit to lay before my readers fome of the many reafons and motives for fuch their determination.

* "I affure you, I do not aim at fingulachufe to make rity. I give you opinions, which have been accepted amongst us from very early times

a civil eftablish

ment of reli

gion.

to this moment, with a continued and general approbation, and which indeed are fo worked into my mind, that I am unable to

• Mr. Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, P. 147, 148.

diftinguish

diftinguish what I have learned from others, from the refults of my own meditation.

"It is on fuch principles that the majority of the people of England, far from thinking a religious national establishment unlawful, hardly think it lawful to be without one. In France you are wholly mistaken, if you do not believe us above all other things attached to it, and beyond all other nations; and when this people has acted unwifely and unjuftifiably in its favour (as in fome inftances they have done moft certainly) in their very errors you will at leaft difcover their zeal.

"This principle runs through the whole fyftem of their polity. They do not confider their church establishment as convenient, but as effential to their ftate; not as a thing heterogeneous and feparable; fomething added for accommodation; what they may either keep up or lay afide, according to their temporary ideas of convenience. They confider it as the foundation of their whole conftitution, with which, and with every part of which, it holds an indiffoluble union. Church and state are ideas infeparable in their minds, and scarcely is the one ever mentioned without mentioning the other."

The majority muft conclude the whole,

though their

reafons be lefs convincing than

thofe of the minority.

I do not wish, much less do I undertake to prove, that Mr. Burke's reafons for thinking a religious establishment in our conftitution profound and extenfive wisdom, are stronger and more conclusive, than Dr. Priestley's are for thinking it the extreme of folly, and very mifchievous. But I do contend, that confidering Mr. Burke and Dr. Priestley as two individual members of the English community, each of them has an equal right to form his. own mind upon this fubject, as well as upon every other fubject of legiflation; and that very fame right does every other individual of the nine millions poffefs. It fuffices therefore, that a majority of thefe nine millions chuse to have fuch a religious establishment; it is evident, from what has been before said, that the minority, though they should be actuated by the better reafons, will nevertheless be concluded by the act of the majority, though the latter fhould be influenced by the weaker reafons. This is a fundamental principle of fociety, and confequently of all civil government. If it be once broken in upon, an irreparable breach will be immediately made in the conftitution, that will enfure and accelerate the total diffolution of government; for no human law can have force or efficacy upon

upon any other principle. If this principle be withdrawn from one law, it is withdrawn from all; and then the firmeft bulwark of the wifeft legislators will crumble into an impalpable substance, and be irrevocably scattered by the weakest breath that reaches it. Hence may be seen the difference between principles and rules; the former are univerfally and unexceptionably true and applicable to all poffible cafes; the latter admit of exceptions, which are even faid to ftrengthen and establish the rule.

A principiis nunquam recedendum: True principle will carry us through every difficulty, that can poffibly be started by the enemies of our conftitution; for I must ever call thofe enemies to the ftate, who difavow and oppose the fundamental principles of our conftitution and government. The moft feeling ground, upon which Dr. Priestley seems to combat against the civil establishment of a religion in a state, is that of the maintenance provided and fecured by the state, for the minifters, teachers, and guardians of their religion. "Let it not be faid Dr. Priestley that the church of England would have the impudence, if it had the power, to collect its

* Priestley's Letters to Mr. Burke, Let, vi. p. 59.

tythes

diffatisfied with

tythes.