member of the community I am bounden, under the penalties of high treafon (and the community have a right to bind me) to keep

my opinion to myself: for« if any perfon High treafon to fhall, by writing or printing, maintain and deny it. affirm, that the kings or queens of this realm, with and by the authority of parliament, are. not able to make laws and ftatutes of fufficient validity to limit the crown, and the defcent, inheritance, and government thereof, every fuch perfon fhall be guilty of high treafon." This act is as coercive upon me at this moment, as it was binding upon all my predeceffors, who were living at the time of its paffing into a law. The act neither gives nor declares any new rights, but emphatically imports fuch a reverential and awful conviction, that the fupreme or fovereign right and power of forming and changing our government, ever did and ever muft refide in the people, that makes it treasonable (not to think) but to exprefs a thought to the contrary.

* 4th Ann, c. viii. and 6th Ann, c. vii.

CHAP.

CHA P. VIII.

OF THE REVOLUTION, AND OF ITS PRINCIPLES

AND EFFECTS.

Mifchief of de

nying or diffembling true principles.

HE avowal of the principles, which
I have

TH

I have already endeavoured to eftablifh, induces the mortifying neceffity of arguing upon the revolution, in a manner different from that great perfonage, whofe talents and virtues are the ornament and glory

of the prefent age: * «They threw a politic

well wrought veil over every circumstance tending to weaken the rights, which, in the meliorated order of fucceffion, they meant to perpetuate, or which might furnish a precedent for any future departure from what they had then fettled for ever." No wonder that the malcontents of the prefent day, when not permitted to attribute effects to their real caufes, fhould fly into any extravagancy, which can be proposed to them. Unlimited is the mifchief of not avowing, or

of denying or diffembling true principles. I neither fee the policy, nor admit of the ne

• Mr. Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, P. 25.

cellity

ceffity of putting extreme cafes to elucidate the truth of our conftitutional doctrine; but, though I make the largeft allowances for the indelicacy, the indifcretion, the imprudence, the infolence, or the malice of this practice, ftill do I fee lefs evil in the confequences, than in one attempt to deny or diffemble the truth of the firft principles of civil government.

Since this nation or community has depofed its fovereign power with parliamentary deputies or reprefentatives, there can be no act of parliament, which is not the act of the people of England; nor can there be an act of the people of England, which is not an act of the parliament of England; whatever, therefore, may be faid of the one, may alfo with ftrictnefs be faid of the other. If therefore this fenfe and meaning be properly attended to, little offence, or even difpleasure, can be taken at most of the propofitions, that have been lately hazarded by the different leaders or fomenters of the difcontented minority. Thus, if we come truly. and impartially to confider the three rights, which Dr. Price reminded his audience, at the Old Jewry, were gained by the revolution, we fhall find nothing falfe in his politicotheologic affertion, but that we gained

them

gave no new rights to the community.

The revolution them by the revolution; for the revolution gave no rights to the community, which the community did not before poffefs; but, by affording an opportunity of calling these rights into action, like all other practical examples, it threw light upon the principles, from which the rights themselves originated.

How Dr.

tions are to be underítood.

The first of these is, the right to liberty of confcience in religious matters. I have before said, and, I hope, to the conviction of my readers, that this is a right poffeffed by every individual in fuch a tranfcendent and inPrice's propofi- defeafible manner, that he effentially holds it independently of the community. The fecond is the right of refifting power when abufed. Having before fhewn, I hope alfo to the conviction of my readers, that all political power given or delegated by the community, is a truft, and confequently limited within certain bounds, it is evident and clear, that the community cannot be bound to fubmit to any excefs of power, which they themselves have not affented to. This affent is formally given by every one, who continues to remain a member of that community, which delegated the power to the parliament; and it is this affent, that constitutes the original compact between the governors and governed. The actual limitation of any political

political power, is a metaphyfical demonstration that it originated from, and depends upon a fuperior, who formed the limits. The tranfgreffion of thefe limits is a violation of the truft; it is either ufurpation or tyranny, and consequently a direct breach of the original compact on the part of the governors; the governed cease to be bound to a power not affented to by them; there arifes then a diffolution of the government, and the people have a right to refift the exactions of this affumed or ufurped authority.

The third of thefe rights, which Dr. Price represents as gained or obtained by the revolution is,* The right to chufe our own governors, to cashier them for misconduct, and to frame a government for ourselves. The general fubstance of these propofitions is certainly true; but the method, which this zealous apoftle of liberty has adopted to convey the truth to his

Dr. Price, in the fame fermon, p. 35. "I would further direct you to remember, that though the revolu. tion was a great work, it was by no means a perfec work; and that all was not then gained, which was neceffary to put the kingdom in the fecure and complete poffeffion of the bleffings of liberty. In particular, you fhould recollect, that the toleration then obtained was imperfect; it included only thofe, who could declare their faith in the doctrinal articles of the church of England."