paffible obligation, then, can exist between them, what rule or principle can be laid down, that two nonentities, the one out of existence, and the other not in, and who never can meet in this world, that the one should controul the other to the end of time."

Who does not fee, at the very first view of fuch doctrines, that, in order to give them effect, a new legislation must be provided for the birth of each individual, if the former legiflation ceafes by the deaths of the legiflating individuals, who framed it? For if we confider the real phyfical ftate of mankind, we shall find that the fame hour, which terminates the existence of one, gives birth to another individual; there confequently cannot be one given inftant of time, in which government can be faid to ceafe by the demife of one, and revive by the birth of another. I fhall hereafter have occafion to go more deeply into this doctrine, by confidering the effects, which the laws, enacted many hundred years ago by our ancestors, ftill continue to produce upon their pofterity to this day.

In attempting to eftablish the full force and energy of the power and authority of magiftrates in the state of fociety, I by no means derogate thereby from the perfection of true liberty

F 2

The rights of each community are relative.

liberty in the individuals of the community, who are fubject to fuch power or authority. For far be it from me to deny to any man the full, free, and uncontrouled power of thinking and acting for himself, in every thing, which affects not the rights of the community; for fuch rights only does the community poffefs, as the individual no longer retains; the transfer of them from the one, has vested them in the other; they cannot fubfift in both. Thus the rights of each community are relative only, and bind fuch, as by living under her protection, and remaining members of her fociety, continue fubject to the power, which they have fo delegated to her; and which, whilst the community fubfifts, they can neither totally nor partially recall. The liberty or right of locomotion never was transferred from the individual; and therefore the ftate cannot, without fome special reafon, prevent the emigration of her members. Every man is at liberty to withdraw himself from any particular fociety; but he is not free to disturb, overturn, or destroy the government of that fociety, of which he is a member. For the fubjection of each individual of the community to the fovereignty or political power of the whole, is that effential quality, which distinguishes the ftate

ftate. of civil fociety from the ftate of pure nature and primeval equality, which muft ever neceffarily produce anarchy and confufion; for the prevention of which, and for attaining the happiness of the people, the community institutes a government, and entrufts their fovereign power with governors.

trustees of the community.

If any thing can give force, vigour, and Magiftrates are energy to the power of magiftrates over the members of a community, it is, because the community itself has vefted it in truft in fome of its own body. Therefore," there is undoubtedly a particular deferen ́c and homage due to civil magiftrates, on account of their ftations and offices; nor can that man be either truly wife or truly virtuous, who defpifes governments, and wantonly speaks evil of his rulers, or who does not, by all the means in his power, endeavour to strengthen their hands, and to give weight to' their exertions in the discharge of their duty. Fear God, fays St. Peter. Love the brotherhood. Honour all men. Honour the king. You must needs, fays St. Paul, be fubject to rulers, not enly for wrath (that is, from the tear of fuffering the penalties annexed to the breach of the laws), but for confcience fake. For rulers

• Dr. Price's Difcourfe on the 4th Nov. 1789, p. 27.

power adequate

to all the purpofes of the most efficient government.

are minifters of God, and revengers for executing This delegated Wrath on all that do evil." In a word, without troubling my readers with any more authorities for establishing thefe clear pofitions, that the power, both of the fupreme and fubordinate magistrates, is delegated to them by the people, is holden by them in truft for the people, and can only be exercised by them, according to the nature, conditions, and extent of the truft, I fhall conclude this fubject by fhewing, from two of the strongest affertors of civil liberty, that upon these principles the power of the fupreme magiftrate is fo constituted in a kingdom, that it becomes fully adequate to all the purposes of the most efficient monarchy. *In the 8th Book, P. 444, he gives it as his judgment, that all kings, but such as are immediately named by God himself, have their power by human right only; though after human compofition and agreement, their lawful choice is approved of God, and obedience required to them, by divine right." What more than this can be required by the ftaunchest devotee to kingly power? The right of the fovereign to command, is one and the fame thing, as the obligation of the fubject to obey; beyond the

* Hoadley's Defence of Mr. Hooker's Judgment.

establish

establishment of these two points, I do not conceive how, in a political fociety, the fubftance of fovereignty can bé èxtended; for I will not fuppofe even one of my readers to entertain a serious idea of a pure regal or arbitrary government on the one hand, or of an abfolutely equalized anarchy on the other. There is always much delicacy, and often much danger, in arguing upon the extremes of any propofition.

«From the foregoing reafoning then To rife up athe conclufion is evident; that if any one or

gainst the legiflature, the

civil crimes.

any number of individuals, fet up his or their greatest of all wills in oppofition to the will of the legiflator, he or they are guilty of the greatest of all crimes they can poffibly commit; becaufe it is a crime, which diffolves, at once, the whole cement of fociety, and fnaps afunder by violence all the bonds of government, which tend to fecure the whole peace and tranquillity; for oppofition to the will of the legiflator tends to drive them back to that miferable state of nature, from which they gladly filed to government, as to a refuge and an afylum.”

The right order of reafoning would here

* Cooper's first Principles of Civil and Ecclefiaftical Government, p. 78.