were unquestionably of a more important nature, and might be divided into five leading branches-the legiflature, the church, commercial regulations, contributions to the exigencies of the empire, and the courts of juftice. In looking at thefe various articles, he would requeft gentlemen to compare them with the refolutions to which they had already agreed. They would recollect they had agreed that the united kingdom fhould be reprefented in one and the fame parliament, and that the number of members reprefenting Iteland fhould be fixed by the parliament of that country. They were now, he faid, by his majefty's meffage, put in poffeffion of the difcuffion of the Irifh legiflature, and were required to give their opinion on the article relative to the fhare which Ireland was to have in the component parts of the parliament of the united kingdom. The firft queftion to which he would call their attention was, to inquire whether the refolution of the Irish parliament, on the article of reprefentation, was fuch as they ought to fanction. He admitted the difficulty of obtaining grounds fufficiently clear and conclufive to enable them to decide what the exact number ought to be. Yet as a number was to be abfolutely fixed, it followed, they must adopt fome principle as the bafis of their determination, and he knew of none fuperior to that which had been reforted to in the legislature of Ireland. The principle established by them was founded upon a comparative ftatement of the population of both kingdoms, as well as the revenue of both. The number of members fixed for the counties and two principal cities was fixty-eight, and thofe for the moft confiderable cities, towns, and boroughs, were regulated at thirty-one, who would be felected without partiality. Hav.

ing adverted to the article refpecting the number of reprefentatives for the commons of Ireland, on the ground that they could afford no caufe of fufpicion as to any increafe of the influence of the crown, he next adverted to the arrangements refpecting the house of peers and the members to be returned, and faid, as the members for the com'mons of Ireland were nearly double in number to thofe of Scotland, the fame rule would be observed with the peerage, which, therefore, was to confit of thirty-two members. It was alfo understood, that fuch peers of Ireland as might not be among the twenty-eight temporal peers thould be allowed to fit in the united parliament untilelected. Such a measure, in his opinion, could not be thought unconftitutional. With refpect to the article providing for the fecurity of the church, he flould only obferve, that no danger was likely to affail it, when incorporated with our own. With regard to trade and its alteration, when it could be done without giving a flock to exifting capital, it ought to be extended to all the empire.

The next article, and the only one confifting of minute details, related to apportioning the thares of the revenue of each country refpectively. He faid it was a circumstance much to be wifhed, that the finances of both countries were fo nearly alike, that the fyftem of both could be identified; but, as from the different proportions of debt, and the different ftages of civilization and commerce, and the different wealth of the countries, that defirable object was rendered impracticable, at least for fome time to come, it therefore became an important queftion, Would they defer the advantage of the union, because they could not at once carry it to the extent they could with? Or would they deler

it until, by the increase of the debt of England, through the means of the finking fund, the two countries had fo far approximated to each other that an identity of finance might be established in the first inftance? The next articles which remained were fuch, that he thought no objection could be made to them; they related merely to the purpofes of agriculture, and some charitable inftitutions. The only one which he thought neceffary to trouble the committee with related to the prefervation of the courts, civil, military, and maritime, except as they might hereafter be regulated by the imperial parliament. After fome general obfervations upon the whole, he concluded by propofing the articles voted by the Irifh parliament for the adoption of the

committee.

Mr. Grey faid, it was not his intention to follow the right honourable gentleman through the reafoning he had adduced in fupport of the meafure; he fhould chiefly confine himself to ftate what was neglected to be urged laft year, to object to the principle of the meafure, and the time in which it was brought forward. It was ftated in the meffage of the lord-lieutenant, that the only ground on which the meafure could pafs was a change in the opinion of the public. And it was afterwards ftated, in a fpeech of the lord-lieutenant to the Irish parliament, and more clearly and pofitively in the fpeech of the minifter, that five-fevenths of the country, and all the principal commercial towns, except Dublin, had petitioned in favour of the union. The way in which it was attempted to be made out that five-fevenths of the country had petitioned for the union, was by faying that nineteen counties had, and that thefe counties conftitute

five-fevenths of the furface of Ireland. That petitions were prefented from feveral different counties he would not deny; but by what means were they obtained, and by whom were they figned? The lord-lieutenant, who, befides being the chief civil magiftrate in the kingdom, is commander of a difciplined army of 170,000 men, who is able to proclaim martial-law when he pleases, and to establish the arbitrary trial of a court martial, in his progrefs through the kingdom procured thefe petitions, which he faid were figned by few names, and thofe by no means the most refpectable. Fortunately, faid Mr. Grey, there were many petitions on the other fide, which were not obtained by folicitation, and at illegal meetings, but at public affemblies, of which legal notice had been given. Twenty-feven counties had petitioned against the measure: the petition from the county of Down was figned by 17,000 refpectable independent men; and all others were in a fimilar proportion. Upon this Mr. Grey spoke at fome length, and begged the attention of the committee while he adverted to fome of the favourite arguments of the unionifts. Their grand fource of argument, he faid, was the experience of the benefits derived from the union with Scotland. He had attended to that point, and he could fay, after the moft mature deliberation, that he could fee no analogy between the circumftances of the Scotch union, and those which called for a union with Ireland, nor could he apprehend that the same confequences would follow from them. In the union between Scotland and England there was no phyfical impediment: the relative fituation of the two countries was fuch, that the king himself could administer the executive government in both;

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and there was no occafion for a separate establishment being kept up in each. The great difference, faid Mr. Grey, between Scotland and England, was not between people and people, but between parliament and parliament. The Scotch had prohibited the import ation of English goods into Scotland; they had established a trading company, which interfered with the colonial arrangements of England, and nearly embroiled her with Spain; they had refufed to limit the fucceffion of the crown; and had even enacted, that it fhould not defcend to the fame perfon with the crown of England. An act was about to have been brought into the English parliament to render all Scotsmen aliens, and another to fit out a fleet to attack all Scotch veffels they fhould fall in with. Here, Mr. Grey obferved, there was no alternative but union or war. The next obfervation Mr. Grey made was relative to the catholics of Ireland, he faid it were to be wifhed that the catholics should be diftinctly informed what advantages they were to expect. If the privileges held out to them were futhcient to conciliate their fupport to the measure, he did not fee the wisdom of infinuating to them vague hopes of future benefits. "Indeed," faid Mr. Grey, "we know that the keeper of the king's confcience in the fifter kingdom had given it as his opinion, that the claims of the catholics of Ireland could not be granted by his majesty, without a violation of his coronation oath." If the union fhould take place, notwithstanding the general difapprobation of the people, he wifhed that it might tend to ftrengthen the connexion between the two countries, as much as he believed in his confcience that it threatened the enly folid bond of connexion, that

of affection and kindnefs; and that it must prove injurious to the real power of the ftate. Mr. Grey concluded by moving, "That an hum"ble addrefs be prefented to his ma"jefty, that he would be graciously "pleafed to direct his minifters to "fufpend all proceedings on the "Irish union, till the fentiments of "the Irith people refpecting that "measure could be afcertained."

Mr. Johnston spoke in favour of the measure at fome length; and concluded by faying, that he cordially concurred in the vote that had been propofed by the right honourable gentleman.

Colonel Loftus wifhed to fet an honourable gentleman (Mr. Grey) right with refpect to his obfervation; viz. that many English officers were introduced into the Irish house of commons, without their having any connexion, either by property or otherwife, with Ireland.' He inftanced general Craddock, and other officers, as exceptions to that affertion.

Mr. Grey fpoke in explanation, and faid, when he obferved that a general and feveral officers of the ftaff had been introduced into the Irish parliament without its appearing that they had any connexion with that country, he confeffed that he alluded principally to general Lake.

Doctor Lawrence spoke against the measure.

Mr. Sheridan faid, that it appeared now to be fairly understood, that the chancellor of the exchequer had brought the queftion to this iffue, that the measure of the union fhould be perfifted in, because it was courted and fanctioned by the general and independent affent of the Irish people; and that, as this point was afcertained or difproved, the measure fhould be perfevered in or abandoned. But where was