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of right principles ?" And accordingly, their inquiries and conclusions, in using their extensive and increasing patronage, have uniformly and without distinction of party been characterized by a pertinacious adherence to the profound principles which such intuitions had revealed, and by a martyr-like disregard of the storms of misconstruction and obloquy which their enemies have aroused against them. They have not bowed to the shallow prejudices of local preference. They have not regarded unreliable assurances, even of a unanimous neighborhood, of the honesty, ability, industry, respectability, of any candidate. No. That might do for the neighborhood; but the Executive commanded a broader perspective. The government, being Whig, Democratic, or as the case might be, was, at any given time, installed in office by the efficacy of certain great political principles, well advocated. And now, of course, the good of the country -which is synonymous with the perpetuation of those great principles, whatever they may be-being immeasurably more important than the satisfaction of a village, the one appropriate all-comprehending question always is, "What has he done, is he doing, will he do, for the party?" As honest and sincere men, the appointing power is bound to make that inquiry and no other. For, what could be clearer than that now, having the country right side up, every nerve must be strained to keep it so? The "greatest good of the greatest number" is at stake. Only stingy, unpatriotic wretches would regard their own prosperity and comfort, or that of their neighborhood, an instant, when opposed, as it must so evidently be in every such case, to the prosperity of our whole noble Republic. The duty of the appointing power, we say, is clear. And most nobly and consistently has itlately been performed.

But enough of this. Perhaps even ironic sport is misplaced in discussing shameful truth. Let us speak soberly.

It is a difference too startling to be overlooked between the early life of this Republic and its later life, that formerly its ablest men held its highest offices; while now they do not, and confessedly cannot. It is a significant and representative difference. We have suggested an illustrative comparison as to the National Executive. Let us complete our case by referring briefly to a few

additional ones, most or all of which we have heretofore at least mentioned.

Consider the State Executives. Compare the first half-dozen Governors of Connecticut, New York or Pennsylvania, chosen by the people, with the last half-dozen so chosen. Institute a similar comparison in any other of the "Old Thirteen." In former times, the ablest men, strongest statesmen, purest citizens, filled the gubernatorial chairs. Now, second-rate attorneys, colonels from "the army of Mexico," trading politicians, are foisted into their places. The same is true of the National and State Legislatures. An absurdly large proportion of their members are either insignificant or notorious. There are, of course, many exceptions; we are not all vile; but blackguards and bullies stand even upon the floor of the United States Senate. Representatives carry

pistols and bowie-knives, swear and threaten and revile, haunt the house in inarticulate or uproarious drunkenness, and jump, sword in hand, at any fellowmember with whose remarks they are dissatisfied. The ill-natured descriptions of Aytoun, spitefully intended as the very broadest and most irritating caricature, have to-day a keener edge, simply by virtue of having barely reached up to the sober (or drunken) truth. They are mere historic narrations of actual occurrences within the year. Apply now his verses to some of our legislators:

"Young man,' quoth Clay, avoid the way of Slick, of Tennessee

Of gougers fierce, the eyes that pierce, the fiercest gouger he.

He chews and spits, as there he sits, and whittles at the chairs;

And in his hand, for deadly strife, a bowie-knife he bears.'"

Nobody could mend the description, un-
less, perhaps, to substitute a pistol for
the 66
toothpick." Again, when the
member from Tennessee considers him-
self personally insulted (we hasten to
remind the present members from that
noble State that we don't mean them,
but have simply transferred Professor
Aytoun's own unfortunate specification-
though, perhaps, they will not consider
the cap a fit):

"The colonel smiled with frenzy wild, his very beard waxed blue,

His shirt it could not hold him, so wrathy riled he grew

He foams and frets, his knife he whets upon the chair below;

He sharpens it on either side, and whittles at his toe."

Exactly; and how practical and efficient, as well as accurately described, his mode of calling the gentleman to order, viz.:

"His knife he raised; with fury crazed, he sprang across the hall.

He cut a caper in the air-he stood before them all.

He never stopped to look or think if he the deed should do,

But spinning sent the President, and on young Dollar flew."

Such men sit in the seats of the Continental Congress of the Confederate Congress of the compeers of Washing

ton.

Neither is the majesty of our nation better represented abroad. In former times there were sent to Europe for the transaction of our public business such men as Franklin, Adams, Jay and Laurens. We will not name their modern antitheses. We apprehend that few men glory in our official representatives abroad. Too many of us know how and why their honors were conferred. It is enough barely to say, by way of reminder, that notorious sots and notorious profligates have more than once within ten years been stationed at European courts, to uphold the bright honor of a nation professing a political creed which logically implies and demands, from high and low, honesty, purity and morality.

Such are the men. How are they chosen? Modes of selection in New England differ slightly from those employed in the remaining States, and from each other; but only slightly. In New England, it is not etiquette openly to push one's own nomination or election. But it will not be necessary to present distinct instances of these methods of operating. We will suppose, merely as one case, that Mr. Jenkins desires to become United States Senator. First, he arranges to have himself appointed Chairman of the State Central Committee. Being a man of wealth and leisure, the party leaders are glad of it, and Jenkins finds no difficulty in obtaining that place. That done, he works like a beaver in the usual party harness; arranging with this and that village whipper-in, to secure here and there half-a-dozen of doubtful votes; writing letters; preparing sharp or non-committal articles, to suit the demand, for the

columns of "the organ;" operating, probably, in particular, to secure the sending of the "right sort of men" to the convention for nominating State Representatives and Senators from his own county or district. This is not very difficult. People in general are so apathetic about these preliminaries that anybody who is a little earnest can "fix matters" to suit himself. Having secured, in a convention thus doctored, a nomination to the State Assembly, he now redoubles his diligence to gain the election. He toils industriously with influential men all about; arranging a multiplicity of local details; means of securing doubtful partisans; of bringing up the entire "regular party vote;" of obtaining the help of any clique or section of outsiders, independents or bolters, who can be worked upon by the promise of future offices or assistance; by indiscriminate promises of clerkships. or other appointments to all the electioneering lawyerlings who want them; by the unlimited (except by the amount required) use of flattery, sophistication, misrepresentation, and all other conceivable modes of underhanded manoeuvering. The election into the State Legislature accomplished, next comes the struggle in the " caucus for the nomination of the United States Senatorship. This is very much the same work over again. One man is to be convinced that no other candidate can succeed. Another is to be convinced that he himself is a most excellent fellow and a talented man. Another must be convinced that Mr. Jenkins answers that description. Another is to be dismayed by a view of the dissolution of the party, or of the Union, which impends, unless averted by Mr. Jenkins' apotheosis into the Senate. A "third party" corporal's guard is perhaps extant. Their support is to be secured by the promise of an equivalent support from Mr. Jenkins' friends for some candidate of their own, and by the promise of firm and conscientious opposition from the same friends, in any other

event.

If all this is done thoroughly, and not overdone, Jenkins gets his senatorship, and is entered for the Presidential race; for as a shrewd northern Congressman remarked, "every man in the Senate is a candidate for the Presidency." And why should he not get it? He has spent more time, more money, more effort, in working for it than his competitors have spent. "The gods sell everything for

labor," senatorships included. When Jenkins wanted a vote or an influence. he went and asked for it; and if that wouldn't do, offered good consideration for it. When he wanted a man in a convention, he got him nominated, and paid his expenses. And he has his reward.

In other sections of the country, as we remarked, the approved mode of operation differs slightly. Instead of covering their aspirations with the decent veil of reluctance or indifference, some candidates not only want to be elected, but too often bombard the ears of the individual and collective public with endless and importunate reiterations of the announcement. Over their personal signatures they too often advertise themselves in the papers, as on hire for the public good, as coarsely as if they were donkeys to let; warranting, as one would warrant his donkey sound in wind and limb, that their best efforts shall be devoted to the performance of their duties. They "stump" their districts; cry themselves up, and their adversaries down; drink, swear, and tell dirty stories all about the country, and if they succeed, do it by being (only a coarse phrase will serve as the exponent of the precise idea) "just the d-dest best fellows in the State."

This degradation of candidates, a consequence of laziness and lust of office has, very naturally, reacted upon voters. The constituent body in this country, whatever its latent excellences may be, does not now possess decided and active intelligence enough to select good men to rule it. Voters expect candidates to come begging to them. They ask--it has often been asked in so many words

"If a man wants an office, why don't he ask for it? If he does not want it enough to ask for it, he shall not have it." What a disgraceful ignoratio elenchi! As if a man ought to be grateful for being put into office, except as the elevation is a spontaneous testimony to his private worth and ability; and as if official station gained by bold begging could be other than a demonstration of worthlessness and disability! And as if the favor were not reciprocal, if an honest and noble man will consent to burden himself with the vexing intricacies and thankless labors of official life! What such man will gad about and ask, either of individuals or of crowds, their "most sweet voices ?" It would be unendurable. Coriolanus was right. And

bitter sneers like those of his asking, would perforce poison the beseechings of the men most worthy to rule these United States, even if they could bow themselves as stiffly as he did.

"Your voices; for your voices I have fought; Watched for your voices; for your voices, bear Of wounds two dozen odd; battles thrice six I have seen and heard of; for your voices have Done many things, some less, some more; your voices;

Indeed, I would be consul!"

Would not all our noblest men-of whom, indeed, in these last years, at least, in the National Government, a most meagre delegation has held high office would they not all speak so?

Are not cases within the personal knowedge of all who have possessed even a slight acquaintance with contemporary politics, where men of great abilities and stern integrity have been left at home, while shallow and limber-backed managers have wriggled themselves into places which must needs honor their holders, since the holders certainly could not honor them? We remember at this moment the cases of a senatorship, and of a nomination for governor; we might specifically allege many more, if proof were needed, or if specification were expedient. Men ought to condescend, not to aspire, to office. It should seek them: not be sought by them.

But among maxims in a manual for reformed voters, there would be little exaggeration in inserting these; 1. The present holding of office is prima facie evidence of unworthiness; and 2. Ascertained desire for office is a demonstration of unfitness.

The intellectual, moral and social average of the character of our legislators is such as might be expected from men so chosen. The political machinery of the United States-not its Constitution and laws, but the apparatus by which it is attempted to keep them in their proper relations to the changing condition of our commonwealth—is thoroughly demoralized. This condition of public affairs began in 1790-91, with the beginning of cabinet intrigues against Washington's administration; has accelerated its progress in a geometrical ratio; has precipitated itself with frightful rapidity for twenty years last past; and has, we hope and believe, now reached its dirty anticlimax.

It is unnecessary for us to cite facts

in support of this assertion. Defalcations and absquatulations innumerable will recur to every man's mind. Enormous and baseless swindles have sucked at the treasury. The capital is a nest of wickedness. The vices of great cities are there unnaturally rife, and preternaturally malignant; raging in vortices of intense excitement such as must necessarily boil up where the vast and conflicting interests of so mighty and active an empire as ours are struggling for adjustment. Streets, almost, of brothels adorn our seat of government. It is not matter of surprise or animadversion for a Congressman to be found haunting them. The names of members are known who have assisted with money and influence in promoting such establishments. Bribery is rampant. Many men in Congress are for sale. We have ourselves heard legislators state the amount of gold which they have seen in the hands of members, and which such members have avowed to be their wages for such and such a vote. We know that another leading member of incorruptible honesty was offered what would, in the event of the success of a measure which he was asked to help, have netted him fifty thousand dollars, by a mere purchase and sale. Legislative discussion is maintained at the point of the knife and the muzzle of the pistol. Drunken orators uphold their cause with oaths, indecency, maundering, or inebriate laughter. Drunken representatives obstruct the business of the country at a rate of expense of about two hundred dollars an hour, and the whole honor of Congress (what there is of it) every minute.

Perhaps we may seem to be drawing too dark a picture. Perhaps we may be accused of unpatriotic exposure of the shame of our fatherland.

If a silent remedy were possible, we would gladly await its application. But such a cure is not to be expected. And now, when the set and rigid lineaments of the old parties are disappearing in their own corruption; when all things, happily, tend towards an honest reconstruction of our political organizations, we call attention to the evil, with the hope and expectation that the reform is at hand.

Having thus discussed the morals of our present political action, it is appropriate to investigate the causes of their decline. These-at least the immediate -we judge not difficult to discover. They are all included in one, and that is,

causes

the degradation of average intelligence in the voting body. This degradation, again, we trace to three sources, as follows:

1. The ingress of ignorant foreigners. 2. The increasing proportion of ignorant native voters; which two influences add incompetent voters to the lists.

3. The neglect, by the more capable portion of the voting population, of their preliminary duties as mediate, though actual governors, which paralyzes the proper strength of our intelligent voters.

Of these three sources the first two are statistically investigable; the last capable only of estimation.

First.-Ingress of ignorant foreigners. A short excursus at this point will save misunderstanding. Ignorant, we intend not merely in respect of literary cultivation (for many of the continental newcomers have enjoyed very thorough school or college discipline), but ignorant for the purposes of Republican government. It is a truth almost entirely ignored of late, that a Republican frame of government can exist only by virtue of intelligence and morality among the governed. This has been proclaimed and reiterated to nauseation, but it is not felt. Americans by birth and descent, growing up among a law-abiding community, in law-abiding habits, do not understand the dislike and disregard of our immigrants for law. It is felt, here, that the law is a body of regulations most deliberately elaborated from the best wisdom of the nation-that it is substantially the expression of the common and moral sense of the community-and that as such it is to be obeyed. And when a law transcends either this common sense or this moral sense, or contravenes them, it is repealed, silently ignored, or steadily disobeyed, and perishes. The law is upheld by the consent of the people to obey it; and their consent is based upon the truth that it is right and good, and that, therefore, for the sake of right and of consistency too, since they have actually or acquiescently made it, they must obey it.

Our immigrant population, however, whether intellectually and scholastically educated or not, have nothing of this. Their relations to established laws have not been those of the intelligent operator to the machine which he has made, but those of the surly blindfold beast under burdens extraneously superimposed. Their relations to constituted government have been such as to array all

their manly feelings and sympathies against it instead of for it. Their government is something established before their day, by some arbitrarily and irresponsibly powerful individual or class, for the interest of that individual or class. It is not their voice, speaking their will, but another voice, ignoring or crushing their will. It has restrained, silenced, exacted, oppressed. And so they never acquire any reverence for it, but only a fearful and hateful obedience, which makes them ready to overturn and destroy, while they learn nothing of the self-restraint and governing power which should fit them to build up. When, therefore, they have erected any fabric of law to replace an old one destroyed, this education in irreverence makes them ready to kick it down for the merest theoretical shadow of experiment, even for just a change. Such defects, together with that other great one, the want of a religious element, in social and political character, have caused the instability and unreliableness of modern European republics; and fully explain and justify the doubtful feeling with which men looked upon them, and wished, rather than hoped or expected, that they would endure. How surely would the European democracies of 1848 have lasted until now, and been more deeply and firmly consolidated day by day, if they had been constructed by the representatives, and upheld by the strong wills, clear heads, and honest, true and steady hearts, of a Maine or a Massachusetts population!

Thus, too many Europeans feel in Europe, and thus they feel here. Without

clear perceptions of the proper extent of the province of law-of the right relation between the mental and moral progress of the human race and the stringency or scope of legislative enactments

indeed, very often with an idea that no law, other than that of individual supremacy, i. e. of brute might and right, is either right or expedient, they rebound from the close despotism at home into almost a delirium of unrestrained freedom here. In the wide liberty of this Republic, they do not impinge every moment upon the contracted enactments of a power working only by pressure

and constraint. They come into an exhilarating atmosphere which gladdens them into an unreflecting extremity of license; as children running out of a gloomy and silent school, riot and frolic with shouting and outrageous mirth, in the bright warm sun outside.

Therefore, when they feel their new importance, and demagogues and honest men seek their votes, the demagogues succeed best, for they flutter most and promise most; saying what is agreeable, without reference to what is true; encouraging license, for the sake of selfish gain, rather than enforcing necessary and wholesome legal restraint.

But to return to our figures; which, it will be remembered, are to exhibit the first of the three causes of the degradation of average intelligence in the voting body, namely, the ingress of ignorant foreigners.

In 1832, the total Presidential vote (without South Carolina) was about 1,250,000. There are, perhaps, no data for determining with demonstrative certainty what proportion of these were foreigners; but 15,000 is a very liberal estimate.* In 1840, the Presidential vote was 2,400,000; while the number of foreign-born voters, calculated by the same method as before, was now nearly quadrupled, having risen to 54,000; one forty-sixth of the whole, instead of one eighty-third. Again, the Presidential vote of 1852 was about 3,150,000; and the foreign-born vote in this, about 188,000; one seventeenth of the whole, instead of one eighty-third-having multiplied itself by twelve nearly, while the total vote had not tripled; a portentous increase!

And this influx of ignorance is annually increasing. The immigration of the last five years will average nearly 300,000 a-year; nearly a thousand aday; almost a hundred and fifty voters a-day.

Second: increase in number of ignorant native voters.

The whole number of persons over twenty years old, unable to read or write, was, in 1840, 550,000; and, in 1850, 1,050,000; giving an increase, during that period, of 500,000. Halve this, to allow for females and persons

* Made as follows. Number of foreign-born in the United States (by census of 1859) equals whole number of immigrants (by Chickering's Tables) during the twenty years last preceding. Assuming the ratio of immigration and survivorship to have been the same, the number of foreign-born in the country in 1832 (by same authorities) was about 228,000. Subtract herefrom 145,000 who immigrated during the five years next before 1832, and who are supposed not to have voted, and there remain $3,000. Taking the proportion of voters to be that of our present population, i. 6. 1 in 7, the number of foreign-born voters in the United States in 1832 stands at about 12,000. To allow for error favoring our computation, we set it at 15,000.

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