into power on their own soil. They were in error in supposing that, by the application of a religious test, they could exclude all but good men from their counsels. They were not so far from the truth, when they expected, by the application of such a test, to shut out from their counsels the emissaries of Wentworth and Laud; and, in their early weakness, nothing was more indispensable than this for their protection. They had lately set up a religious polity. The hopes and aims with which they had established it were of vital consequence to them. They knew that they could not maintain it, and the momentous interests, civil and religious, with which it seemed to them connected, should the council-chambers of their infant community admit the creatures of the English court and church. 1030. At The special circumstances of the time at which this condition of franchise was imposed, were probably thought to call for a prompt decision. Till then, there had been no freemen of the Company except those who had become such in England, and might be supposed to be solicitous to promote the generous objects of its institution. its first Cisatlantic meeting, more than a hundred persons had presented themselves as candi- Oct. 19. dates for admission. An irruption of strangers was impending, and it could not fail to be a subject of grave anxiety to those now in possession of the power, what would be the character and purposes of associates who, once received into the Corporation, would be able to control its action, and to carry out or defeat the designs for which it had been formed, and had been conducted hitherto at great cost and sacrifice. The social elements already collected on the spot were very diverse. What method should dispose them for harmonious and beneficent action? Among those to be now received were not a few "old planters," doubtfully sympathizing in the views of the more public-spirited new-comers, and not improbably cherishing the recent grudge, and so prepared for faction. Oldham's disturbing practices at Plymouth could not have been unknown, and he had just been disputing the title of the Company to its lands. Men of condition, like Blaxton, Maverick, Jeffries, and Burslem, had a similar adverse interest. Edward Gibbons, lately parted from the irregular adventurers at Mount Wollaston, was as yet a suspicious friend. Others, like Coles and Wignall, who soon afterwards gave trouble,1 may have been already regarded with distrust. How many like Morton of Merry-Mount there might prove to be among the yet untried multitude, or of the class of the Brownes and others who in the last two years had tasked the prudence and vigor of Endicott, it was still for time to disclose; and it was the office of a wise forethought, to provide some security against damage from them to the public weal. From such as, on due advisement, should be admitted into covenant with the church, some security would be obtained. Sincere professors would be earnest fellow-workers in the great enterprise; insincere profes sors, if there were such, would be hampered and restrained. 2 A hundred and eighteen persons took the freeman's oath, and were admitted to the franchise. Winthrop was re-elected Governor, "by the general consent of the Court, within the meaning of the patent," and Dudley Dudley being again associated with him in the 1631. May 18. Winthrop re-elected. second office. 1 Mass. Col. Rec., I. 90, 91, 93, 107. 2 It would be interesting to ascertain what proportion of these new freemen were church-members, but the imperfection of the early records of the churches prevents a precise answer to this question. An examination of the list of the freemen admitted at this time leads to the conclusion, that perhaps three quarters of them, certainly as many as one half, had previously connected themselves with some church. Down to this time, and a little longer, while the freemen were without much mutual acquaintance, and so without preparation either for administration of the government or for combined resistance to encroachment on their charter rights, the Assistants appear to have been consolidating power in their own hands. As at Permanency of Assistant. the first General Court it had been determined to of the office transfer the power of choosing the Governor and Deputy-Governor from the freemen to the Assistants, at the second it was determined, "with full consent of all the commons then present, that once in every year, at least, a General Court shall be holden, at which Court it shall be lawful for the commons to propound any person or persons whom they shall desire to be chosen Assistants; and, if it be doubtful whether it be the greater part of the commons or not, it shall be put to the poll; the like course to be holden when the said commons shall see cause, for any defect or misbehavior, to remove any one or more of the Assistants." 1 In the form of a grant of privileges to the freemen, this was clearly a substitution of the invidious and difficult process of removal for the irresponsible freedom of that annual election de novo which was contemplated by the charter. And, accordingly, there is no record of an election of Assistants this year. Without doubt, as many of the old Assistants as remained in the country retained their office; and so far a precedent was created for their permanent continuance in power. The plan of establishing the capital at Newtown was relinquished. The site had been laid out, with lines for a fortification, and streets at right angles; the Difference Deputy-Governor had established himself in a Winthrop newly-built house; and the Governor had set up between and Dudley. instrument, though not to its letter. the frame of one; when the tranquil aspect of relations with the natives seemed to render a concentration of the Colony less important, the superior advantages of the neighboring peninsula for residence and commerce had made themselves apparent, and Winthrop at last resolved to yield to the importunity of his neighbors, who urged him to remain in Boston. Dudley conceived a displeasure, which the Governor was not immediately able to pacify by the most friendly overtures. Religious dispute at Dec. 8. In another quarter, an ecclesiastical question threatened discord. It was reported that Phillips and Brown, the pastor and the elder of Watertown, had spoken of "the churches of Rome" as "true churches." July 21. Winthrop, Dudley, and Nowell visited the place to make inquiry. The doctrine was debated before a number of members of the Boston and Watertown congregations, and, against a minority of only three, was voted to be an error. But the matter was not put at rest till after a second visit of the same dignitaries. Brown. appears to have been pertinacious in his heretical laxity. The final issue was, that, "after much debate, at length they were reconciled, and agreed to seek God in a day of humiliation, and so to have a solemn uniting, each /party promising to reform what had been amiss; and the pastor gave thanks to God, and the assembly brake up." 1 It may be presumed that the importance attached to this matter was incident to the political relations which were understood to be involved. If church-members, who were rulers in Massachusetts, should esteem the church of Rome a true church, where would be the safety of Massachusetts should England become Catholic? Thus out of political exigencies a union of church and state in Massachusetts was already dawning. A movement of the Tarratine Indians occasioned a momentary uneasiness. A hundred of these people came up the Merrimack in canoes by night, and, Aug. 8 1 Winthrop, I. 58, 67. killing several of the friendly natives, stole down as far as Saugus, whence they retraced their steps, terrified by a discharge of the English alarm-guns.1 This was the first disturbance from the natives in the new Colony. June 14. Further pro ceedings of the Assist At the same time with those measures of permanent administration which have been mentioned, minute regulations of police engaged the attention of the great council of freemen. A ferry was established between Winnisimmet and Charlestown. A uniform standard was appointed for weights and measures. A prohibition was issued against the unlicensed killing of "wild swine." Fines were imposed on individuals for refusing or neglecting "to watch," and memoranda of private agreements were placed upon record. As the social system proceeded to take form, the business conducted by the Assistants of course extended more into detail. The hire of servants by any other than "a settled housekeeper," was ordered to be for not less time than a year. No person was to leave the jurisdiction, by sea or land, or to buy provisions from any vessel, without permission from some magistrate. Philip Ratcliffe was sentenced to "be whipped, have his ears cut off, fined forty shillings, and banished out of the limits of the jurisdiction, for uttering malicious and scandalous speeches against the government and the church of Salem." Chickatabot, the Neponset sachem, was "fined a skin of beaver for shooting a swine of Sir Richard Saltonstall's." 3 An assessment of thirty pounds was levied on ten plantations, for "the making of the creek at the New Town twelve foot broad and seven foot deep." All ants. July 5. him "indemnity for the past and security for the future," was milder than the last resort of kings, and more advantageous to both parties; and its principle was the same as that of contributions levied upon foreign aggressors, or the issue of letters of reprisal. |