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and elegant; and several of the more striking species are figured in the plates. It is, moreover, intimated, that the collections of dried specimens are varied and abundant, and that their conrents will shortly receive illustration from the pens of professed botanists.

We cannot close our account of the physical information contained in this performance, without noticing the despised fragments of an atmospheric stone, which had alighred on the ise Onx Tonnetiers, a thort time before the arrival of the expedition. We certainly could have wilhed that the circumstances of its fall had been more minutely.ftated. At the same time, we are fully disposed to believe in its celestial origin, at least more so than in M. Bory's theory of the general phænomenon, a theory which emulates the oak of the Latin poets, and knows no limits but heaven and hell. With profeflions of much deference to the hypothesis of Laplace, which ascribes these outlandis stones to the projecting force of lunar volcanoes, M. Bory very modestly itates his own doctrine in fereral pages. From these, it appears, that in ancient times, ignivomous mountains were indued with mighty force, though, like the race of mortals in Homer's day, they have sadly degenerated from their ancestors. Without ftaying to examine the causes of this deplorable degradation, or to reduce to consistency, the expiring energies of volcanic projection, with the accumulating intensity of the central heat; it appears not at all improbable, to our' fiery champion, that from the said mountains, mates of matter were propelled from an immense depth, to such a height, as to perform spiral circumgirations, somewhere within the limits of our planetary fyrtem, till, in the course of ages, they came to pop down, and take their relt on the surface of mother earth.

But, as such knowledge is too wonderful for us,' as it is high,' and ' we cannot attain to it,' we willingly pass to one of 1620fe historic meteors,' to 'one of those brilliant moments in the annals of every people, moments which vanish with the authors of their fplendour.' The establishment of a line of naval ftations, from the Cape of Good Hope to Ceylon, including the ises of France, Bourbon, and Madagascar, with the relinquishment of the French territorial possessions on the continent of India, are pompoudly held out as the infallible means of crushing the overgrown power of Great Britain in the ealt, and thus Atriking at her very vitals !

At St Helena, thi: bold speculator was not permitted to explore the natural productions of the island. He seems, therefore, to have conlidered himself as particularly called upon to



make the governor and his guests the subject of his obfervations.

· The governor was a man of fixty years of age, thin and ruddy, with a full-bottomed wig, highly powdered, and curled like that of Quipotis, which gave him a very comical air. He addressed several fentences to us, which no doubt were very polite ; and he prevailed on us go lo up Itairs, and partake of the repast. As I did not well under, fi and what he said, bis aid-de-camp told me, in a jargon hardly intelligible, that the governor bad been speaking French to me.

• At a moment when France had jult compelled Europe to grant her a glorious peace, but had yet scarcely breathed from those revolutionary commotions which had tarnished her reputation in the eyes of her ene, mies, I knew not well what countenance to affume among men who the Jealt regard us.

I was desirous to appear neither humble nor haughty; and yet to maintain a character among those who believe they have one, and who judge of every thing by appearances. Though I suspected that iny acceptance of the governor's obliging invitation might be reckoned unseasonable, I was nevertheless curious to see the English at one of their great dinners. My companions freed me from this dilemma. They nounted; and I followed.'

The governor's party conosted of forty persons! With the exception of his two daughters, one of whom seems to have half captivated our combustible journalist, the circumstances of the rntertainment are described with more sarcasm than pleasantry, Two hundred crystal bottles of wine, of which poor M. Bory was conpelled to drink liberally, though he gave the go-by to a multitude of toasts, flourished in the foreground of the defiert; and we are left to infer, that British hilarity and inebriety, are iynonymous terms.

• As it was whispered at table, that I belonged to General Magallon's Staff, two tall gentlemen came near me ; and one of them, a Co.' lonel of Engineers, who spoke paffable French, began to converse with me. He asked me a multitude of questions concerning the Ines of France and Bourbon, their resources, their population, and the means of their defence. I was almoit tempted to treat him in the Engly Ayle, by exaggerating on every topic of his inquiries. However, I gave him such antivers as I thought proper, and conformable to truth. The other gentleman, who had been blent for an hour, then took his turn of the conversation, and, after having again interrogated me, informed me that he was Commodore Elphing tone.

Commodore Eiphinglione enjoys a certain degree of reputation in the Englif Navy, and had ferved, it seems, with distinction in India. On receiving accounts of the peace, he had left his ship, and taken his passage for England on board an Indiaman. The Commodore had frefacatly cruized before the lile of France. He had a high opinion of the talents of General Magailon ; and he told me, that bad not the


peace taken place, his government had projected an attack on the Mauritius. He added too, that he was to have dire&ted the execution of it. As he talked to me of all the formidable resources which would have been employed, I told him with politenels, that had the attack taken place, í Mhould have been glad that it should have been conduct. ed by him, because his good offices to the prisoners whom he had frequently taken, had secured him the affection of many people. The Commodore, interpreting my words quite differently from what I meant, thanked me heartily, and, after having frequently repeated, you are too polite, he added, indeed, after the reduction of the island, I fould have done all in my power to have fecured good treatment to every body. Here I stopped him short. “ Commodore," said I to him, “


have misunder. tood me; my only reason for wishing that you should attack us rather than another, is, that the governor might have it in his power to return to you, when a prisoner, all the civilities which you have sewn to the feamen whom you have taken on different occafions.” On this the conversation broke off. My two Englishmen turned their backs on me, and have never seen me since.'

M. Bory may thank his stars that the separation was followed by no ignivomous explosions : and, on taking leave of him, in our turn, we have only to observe, that, with all his talents and acquired information, with all his readiness to engage in bustling or in plodding occupations, and with all his facility in compoGtion, we hope he is still young, and are afraid he will always be a Frenchman.

Art. XII. Memoires d'un Temoin de la Revolution ; on Journal

des faits qui se sont passé sous ses yeux, et qui ont preparé et fixé la Consiitutisn Française. Ouvrage Posthume de Jean Sylvain Bailly, Premier Prelident de l'Affemblée Nationale Conftitu, ant, Premier Maire de Paris, et Membre des Trois Academies. 8vo. 3 Tom. Paris, 1804.

MONG the many evils which the French revolution has in-

ficted on mankind, the most deplorable, perhaps, both in point of extent and of probable duration, consists in the injury which it has done to the cause of rational freedom, and the difcredit in which it has involved the principles of political philofophy. The warnings which may be derived from the misforiunes of that country, and the lesions which may still be read in the tragical consequences of her temerity, are memorable, no doubt, and important: but they are such as are presented to us by the history of every period of the world; and the emotions by which they have been imprefied, are in this case too violent


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to let their import and application be properly distinguished. From the miscarriage of a scheme of frantic innovation, we have conceived an unreasonable and undiscriminating dread of all alteration or reform. The bad success of an attempt to make government perfect, has reconciled us to imperfections that might easily be removed; and the miserable consequences of treating every thing as prejudice and injustice, which could not be reconciled to a system of a fantastic equality, has given strength to prejudices, and sanction to abuses, which were gradually wearing away before the progress of reason and philofophy. The French revolution has thrown us back half a century in the course of political improvement; and driven us to cling once more, with superstitious terror, at the feet of those idols from which we had been nearly reclaimed by the lessons of a milder philosophy. When we look round on the wreck and the ruin which the whirlwind has scattered over the prospect before us, we tremble at the rising gale, and thrink even from the wholesome air that stirs the fig leaf on our porch. Terrified and disgusted with the brawls and midnight murders which proceed from intoxication, we are almost inclined to deny ourselves the pleafures of a generous hospitality, and scarcely venture to diffuse the comforts of light or of warmth in our dwellings, when we turn our eyes on the devastation which the flames have committed around us.

The fame circumstances which have thus led us to confound what is falutary with what is pernicious in our establishments, have also perverted our judgements as to the characters of those who were connecred with these memorable, occurrences. The tide of popular favour, which ran at one time with a dangerous and headlong violence to the side of innovation and political experiment, has now fet, perhaps too strongly, in an oppolite direction; and the same misguiding passions that placed factious and selfish men on a level with patriots and heroes, has now ranked the blameless and the enlightened in the herd of murderers and madmen.

There are two claffes of men, in particular, to whom it appears to us that the revolution has thus done injustice, and who have been made to share in some measure the infamy of its most detestable agents, in consequence of venial errors, and in spite of extraordinary merits. There are none indeed who made a a figure in its more advanced stages, that may not be left, without any great breach of charity, to the vergeance of public opinion: and both the description of persons to whom we have al. luded only existed, accordingly, at the period of its commencement. These were the philosophers or speculative men who in


culcated a love of liberty and a desire of reform by their writ. ings and conversation ; and the virtuous and moderate, wiro attempted to act upon these principles at the outset of the revolution, and countenanced or suggested those measures by which the ancient frame of the government was eventually diffolved. 'To confound either of these classes of men with the monsters by whom they were succeeded, it would be necessary to forget that they were in reality their most strenuous opponents, and their earliest victims. If they were instrumental in conjuring up the tempest, we may at least presume that their cooperation was granted in ignorance, since they were the first to fall before it ; and can scarcely be supposed to have either foreseen or intended those confequences in which their own ruin was so inevitably involved. That they are chargeable with imprudence and with presumption, may be affirmed, perhaps, without fear of contradiction ; though, with regard to many of them, it'would be no easy task, perhaps, to point out by what conduct they could have avoided such an imputation, and this charge, it is manifeft, ought at any rate to be kept carefully separate from that of guilt or atrocity. Benevolent intentions, though alloyed by vanity, and misguided by ignorance, can never become the objects of the highest moral reprobation; and enthusiasm itself, though it does the work of the demons, ought ftill to be diftinguished from treachery or malice. The knightly advenlurer, who broke the chains of the galley-slaves purely that they might enjoy their deliverance from bondage, will always be regarded with other feelings than the robber who freed them to recruit the ranks of his banditti.

We have examined in a former article * the extent of the participation, which can be fairly imputed to the philosophers, in the crimes and miseries of the revolution, and endeavoured to ascer. tain in how far they may be said to have made themselves responlible for its consequences, or to have deserved censure for their exertions : and, acquitting the greater part of any mischievous intention, we found reason, upon that occasion, to conclude, that there was nothing in the conduct of the majority which should expose them to blame, or deprive them of the credit which they would have certainly enjoyed, but for confequences which they could not foresee. For those who, with intentions equally blameless, attempted to carry into execution the projects which had been suggested by the others, and actually engaged in measures which could not fail to terininate in important changes, it will not be easy, we are afraid, to make so satisfactory an apology. What is written may be corrected; but what is done cannot be recalled ;

* Vol. I. p. 9, 10, &c.

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