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dripping with the exertions I had made to keep off the crowd from the person of the king : but I was insensible to every thing but pleasure, and intoxicated with the joy I had witnessed and experienced.' • The most manifest usurpation, it appears to us, that signalised this eventful period, was that of the electors of the city of Paris, who, instead of separating after the nomination of their deputies, held regular meetings, with a president and secreta. ries, at the Hotel de Ville, and, in this moment of distraction, affumed the absolute government of the metropolis. They established the national guards to the number of more than 60,000 men, without any authority, either from the King or the Alsembly, and negotiated both with the governor of the Bastille and with the insurgents, whom they could not diffuade from its assault. They also ordered the the Bastille to be demolished, and went so far, at the instigation of M. Necker, as to publith a general amnesty, which the Assembly, however, refused to ratify. On the day after the King's visit to the Assembly, M. Bailly paid a visit to this body, and by them and the populace together, he was then elevated to the dignity of mayor; a nomination, however, that was afterwards ratified by the Sovereign. It has been frequently surmised, that this dignity was conferred on him by the influence of the Duke of Orleans; though it appears perfectly evident, both from these memoirs, and from e. very other authority, that M. Bailly had no fort of connexion with that detestable faction. He does not even seem to be aware of its existence or extent, unless he may be thought to have shadowed it out in the following general expressions.
• Succeeding events have convinced me, that from this time forward, an invisible agent has been at work in the city, who is not contented with the destruction of arbitrary power, or the liberty asserted on the 13th and 14th of July, and who has ever since scattered abroad all sorts of calumnies and falsehoods, to propagate discontent, fufpicion and diforder. This agent has not yet fufpended his activity. To have carried on his abominable designs as he has done, he must have had a multitude of tools, considerable talents, and vast resources. The secret will one day be discovered, and the infernal genius and his miniftering spirits detected.'
The succeeding events recorded in these volumes, scarcely require any particular notice. If we except a pathetic and animated account of the outrages attending the massacre of Meffrs Berthier and Foulon, to prevent which M. Bailly appears to have made the most strenuous exertions, they relate principally to the measures which he adopted for securing a supply of provisions for the capital, and for the arrangement of its police. We regret very niuch that they do not include the transactions of the 6th of October, and other succeeding days, in which M. Bailly's con
duct has been severely censured, and as to the details of which we are not yet in possession of any very authentic intelligence, From the affection and respect with which he uniformly speaks of the King, we are persuaded that a complete statement of his proceedings would exculpate him from any charge of infolence or cruelty. In the Appendix, along with a number of other documents relating to that portion of the Memoirs which do not seem to have been completed, there is a copy of the address with which he received the Monarch upon his arrival in Paris after the disgraceful disorders of the 5th and 6th of October. The heavielt accusation that has ever been brought against M. Bailly, is, that in that speech he called the 6th of October ! a beautiful day; and if he had applied such an epithet to it, in allusion to the crimes and outrages by which it had been distinguished, he would certainly have deferved the feverest reprobation. Upon looking into the speech, however, which was delivered by him in his official capacity, on his Majesty's appearance within his jurisdiction, we find that he alludes only to the happy event of the King's arrival in the metropolis, to which, he affirms, his prefence would infallibly reitore tranquillity and order. The speech is in the highest degree complimentary and respectful; nor can we believe that M. Bailly, who unquestionably had no thare in the outrages of that day, and probably was not then informed of their extent, could possibly intend to express any approbation of proceedings fo contradictory to his principles and habits.
Upon the whole, though the details of this book are sometimes a little redundant, we have perused it with confiderable fatisfaction. The interest which it excites, however, arifes more from the dramatic vivacity of the representation, and from the constant interposition of the sentiments and pasfions of an actor, than from the importance of the new information it contains. M. Bailly seems to have been instructed in none of the fecrets of the revolution, and to have known nothing more of the agency by which it was effected, than could be gathered from the public proceedings of the Assembly and of the municipality. He was engaged in no conspiracies, and but imperfectly informed, it would appear, of any thing that was done beyond the precinds of the metropolis. From such a writer we can look for no new lightsno corrections of what has been misrepresented, or elucidations of what is mysterious. The secret history of the revolution certainly is not yet completely understood, and the chance is that it never will; lince the disclosure can only be made, upon the suppo. fition that some of the confidential agents of Orleans have elcaped the daggers of their affociates, and acquired honefty enough to tell the truth. VOL. VI. NO. 11.
Art. XIII. Sur le Grand Deflein attribué à Henri IV. Roi de
France. Par M. de Chambrier. (From Memoires de l'Academie Royale des Sciences & Belles Lettres de Berlin, 1804.) )
nuity, and displayed the learning of historical critics, none has received a degree of attention lefs proportioned to its importance, than the very interesting subject of the prefent memoir. That a prince, of whole fame the annals of Europe are full, stopped in the midst of his victorious career to form a project which should fecure the future peace of the world ; that he actually devoted the rest of his days to the accomplishment of this undertaking, and even made fome progrefs in furmounting the obstacles with which it was attended, is a statement at once to important and fo strange, that we might have expected, beo fore the prefent day, a careful examination of its authenticity. Whether it be, that there is in antiquaries and critics a natural predilection for the trifling, or that the investigation of the fubject required talents and knowledge which are feldom coupled with fkill in points and particles, it is certain that the question remains undecided; and M. Chambrier, in the paper now before us, displays little more than his good will to the prosecution of the inquiry. In hopes of directing the attention of abler persons to so curious a matter, and for the purpose of fuggefting a few remarks upon one part of the question, we shall shortly ftate the substance of this memoir, beginning with the plan itfelf, of which all have heard the name, and many lamented the failure, in equal ignorance of its motives and its design. As often as the balance of power is mentioned, men recur to the chimerical project of Henry IV., and declaim upon the absurdity of attempting any fimilar arrangement, because the impracticability of what they term' the most perfect form of the fyftem! is admitted. It may be worth while, however, to examine whether this famous scheme bears any relation to the external policy of modern times, known by the name of the balancing fystem; and whether it is, in any of its parts, founded upon the sage and virtuous principles by which that fyftem is supported. Nor is any discussion without its advantages, which leads us to review à character fo highly rated as that of Henry the Great, and to examine impartially, by one important test, his claims to that renown for political wisdom and integrity, which mankind have, with a rare unanimity, been so zealous to beltow on his memory.
Henry' is said, immediately after the great victory at Ivry, to bave formed this plan, denominated by M. Chambrier the most valt, fingular, and advantageous for all Europe, which had ever been conceived.' In order to estimate its claims to these magnificent appellations, the following sketch may be consulted.
Europe was suddenly to be formed into a great commonwealth, under the impoling title of the Christian Republic.' The Emperor of Germany was to be placed at its head, with high au. thority over the federacy, and increased powers in his private capacity of Germanic chief. The extent of his prerogatives was confidered as attended with little danger, for this very satisfac, tory reason, that the plan proposed his office to be always conferred according to merit. In order to secure this excellent pro, vilion, Henry conceived the novel expedient of making the im. perial dignity elective, and added a prohibition against confersing it twice in succession upon the same family. He farther thought proper to settle that it should be given first to the house of Bavaria ; and that this natural rival of the Austrian dynasty fhould receive, in perpetuity, all the neighbouring provinces of the natural enemy of France. The house of Austria was fura ther to lose all its hereditary poffeflions in Europe, except Spain; and what is still more pleasant, the King of France, who proposed this idea, is said ' only to have reserved for himself the glory of conceiving' the grand and virtuous project. In return for these facrifices, Austria was presented with the absolute and entire poffeffion of every inhabited country out of Europe, either then known, or afterwards discovered; the only restriction upon her colonial supremacy, being a reservation in favour of free commerce. Men have laughed as much at the famous bull of Paul, as they have admired the plan of Henry; yet there was nothing half so absurd in the Pope's grant of the new world, which began and ended in a statement of abstract right, as this provision of the French monarch by which the same right was to be forcibly maintained, and Europe was to conquer all the other parts of the world for the benefit of that power which it had violently stript of its lawsul possessions at home.
The poffeffions of Austria were to be partly given away, partly revolutionized; and various new states and unions of ilates were to arise from the fragments of that great monarchy, on the confines of the empire. A republic was to be formed of the Netherlands together with Holland. Hungary and Bohemia were designed for two elective monarchies; the choice being rested in the Pope and she fix hereditary potentates of Erance, Spain, England, Sweden, Denmark, and Lombardy. Poland was to be made elective in the fame sense of the word:
and each of the three elective monarchies was to be increased by new poliefsions forcibly taken from other powers. The fucceflion of Cleves was to be portioned out among such of the Germanic princes as France then favoured, and Austria oppofed. The Pope was to have all Naples, and to be made chief of the Italian Federal Republic, a body composed of all the Italian States except Lombardy and the Milanese, which were reserved for the kingdom of the Duke of Savoy. Sicily, a member of this republic, was defigned as a douceur for Venice; and Switzerland was to receive Franche-Compié and Alface with a permanent oligarchical constitution.
The Christian Republic, thus formed by plunder and usurparion, was to begin its operations by persecution. Three different creeds were to be permitted, and all sects instantly extinguished. Nioreorer, every power net professing the christian faith was to be expelled from Europe ; and the Czar of Muscovy being a believer, was to be offered a corner in the grand federacy, which if he refufed, he was immediately to be stript of his European dominions, and sent off to Asia after the grand fignior. A good deal has been said of the balance of religion, in consequence of the spiritual part of this project ; and truly, if the phrase has any meaning, its fignification is as difficult to be discovered as the connexion between the temporal arrangements of the plan and the balance of power.
The means by which the scheme was to be carried into effect next deserve notice. Main force was the great fecret; and the overtures being made to certain powers, it was proposed, that a large army should instantly be raised by such as agreed to the measure, for the purpose of compelling the rest to submit. The overtures were accordingly made, and much astonishment has been expreffed at their favourable reception. We are told, that most of the European potentates came readily into the scheme, and that a certain prospect was obtained of raising at least half the forces which should be required for the whole service of the union. This has been denominated the most wonderful part of the story; and those who can scarcely believe that a prince of Henry's wifdom seriously formed fo chimerical a plan, are ftill less disposed to admit that he found the obstacles to its execution so easily furmounted. But let us consider whether there be really any great wonder in any part of the statement,-whether the project was marked by a liberality and disinterestedness of mind too high for a prince in the moment of victory,—whether the prominent feature of the plan was romantic virtue, or that ambition after impofsibi. lities, which we denominate splendid folly, or only a more ordinary love of aggrandizement, couched under a pretext of heroism