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great competition of capitals, in a well stocked country, tends to bring down the gains of each trader. France or Spain could give as great credit as Holland or England, were they to charge higher in proportion as the term of payment was delayed,---were they, in fact, to charge interest for the loan. It is because, without this additional charge, England can afford to sell at long credits, and to buy at ready money, that the pushes her trade where France cannot reach. So far, then, from the English merchants repaying themselves for the long credit which they give their American customers, this credit unrecompensed, is the cause of their capital finding employment in the American ftates, and the consequence of that capital being very extensive. M. Talleyrand seems to think it voluntary on the part of the creditor ; an accommodation which he allows his debtor for a certain consideration. On the contrary, it is a matter of neces. fity, and is forced upon him by the competition of other capitalists, while it is rendered practicable by the great extent of his own stock.

In the third place, Our author falls into an error of a much more general and fundamental nature, in stating the progress of the American commerce with England. Instead of simply afserting that the mercantile relations between the two countries, interrupted by the war, were revived after the peace, and continued as close after the independence of the United States, as they had been during the existence of the colonial government; he assumes that those relations were multiplied and extended in consequence of the separation, and that Great Britain was therefore a gainer by that event. He only takes care to warn France not to reckon upon a similar gain when the gives up her colonial dominions ; observing, with great justice, that the cases of the continental and insular fettlements are by no means parallel. The fact upon which this doctrine is founded, does, however, in no degree warrant such an inference. The consumption of English goods in America had increased when our author wrote, to three millions Sterling, from less than one half the sum, its amount after the peace of Versailles. But where is the proof that the fame augmentation would not have taken place though the colonial system had been preserved? It surely is not in confequence of the change, that the population of the States goes on doubling every twenty-five years; for, before the rupture, the increase of numbers proceeded at a rate somewhat more rapid, from the mere circumstance of the total amount being considerably less.

Nor can the substitution of a primary for a subordinate form of government, have promoted the clearing of the forests, when, before the revolution, ground was constantly prepared for the tens of thousands which each year added to the mals of the inhabitants. And if the freedom of navigation be fufpected of having augmented the American wealth, it must be thewn, in the first place, that all our author's own reasonings on the closeness of the voluntary connexion between England and America are false ; and that what he justly terms the voluntary manoply, has no existence. In truth, this monoply which has survived the navigation laws, is the clearest poflible proof, that the only effect of those laws was to erforce what must have taken place naturally. If a trifling commerce be now carried on by American traders with foreign nations; and if, in consequence of its profits, the Americans are enabled to buy a little more from England than they otherwise could have done, the difference is probably more than counterbalanced by two cir. cumstances, both effects of the revolution,- the exclusion of the Americans from a free trade with one of their best markets, the British West Indies,--and their receiving the articles of foreign growth at first hand, instead of getting them, as formerly, through the medium of the mother country. The former of thofe cir. cumstances has injured both the growth of the United States, and of the colonies which remain dependant; the latter has been favourable to the United States, but has been attended, of course, with a flight direct detriment to Great Britain; and this must be set off against the indirect advantages which the jeaps from the benefit which the same circumstance confers on the North Americans. The effect of both these circumstances upon Great Britain, taken together, mult obviously turn the balance of the profit and loss arising from the free trade of the Americans somewhat against her. She indeed retains the power of admitting them to a full share of the West Indian commerce; but the question is, whether, in point of fact, the increase of demand for Britifh goods has been owing in any degree to the independence of North America; and, indeed, the poflible advantages which England may derive from a change of her navigation laws, in favour of the United States, can no more enter into a list of the good effects produced by the revolution, than the advantages fhe might have derived from a change of the fame laws in favour of the North American colonies can enter into a lilt of the good effects which would have accrued from a continuance of their dependence. We are therefore decidedly of opinion, that M. Talleyrand's affumption (for he does not argue at all to this point of the superior closeness of mercantile connexion between Britain and America, in confequence of their political separation, is entirely unfounded. That the 13tural circumstances of relationthip, which arose out of the ori.

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ginal connexion, maintained unbroken the intercourse between the two countries, and permitted their commerce to go on increafing as rapidly as it would have done, had the ancient ties of colonial subordination fubfilted, is the utmost extent of the concludons which the facts and arguments warrant, even as ftated by M. Talleyrand himself. No attempt is made to demonstrate, that the change has augmented thofe relations of commerce ; and although it were proved that fuch had been the effects of the revolution, ftill it would remain to shew that Great Britain had been a gainer by the loss of her American dominions; in other words, that profit upon stock is all a great nation has to think of in the management of its affairs.

We shall here take our leave of these interelling tracts ; but we cannot resist the temptation of presenting our readers with a specimen of those talents for philosophical observation and for geperal description of manners, which made us regret, in former part of this article, that M. Talleyrand had not devoted himself to supply the great defideratum in modern literature, a scientific political traveller. The following picture of American fociety, is indeed very striking; and the character of the planter is placed in a point of view confiderably less romantic than that in which both American and European dealers in sentiment have been accustomed to give it. We have only to premise, that when M. Talleyrand blames the inaccuracy of clasing fishing with agriculture, he forgets that the arrangement never bore any reference to the effects of the two pursuits upon the character or manners of the persons engaged in them; it related entirely to the connexion of thofe employments with national wealth.

Que l'on considere ces cités populeufes remplies d’Anglais, d'a Allemands, d'Irlandais, de Hollandais, et aulli d'habitans indigenes ; , ces bourgades intaines, si distantes l'un de l'autre ; ces valtes contrées incultes, traversé:s plutôt qu'habitées par des hommes qui ne sont d'aucun pays ; quel lien commun concevoir au milieu de toutes ces disparités ? C'est un spectacle neuf pour le voyageur qui, partant d'une ville principale où l'etat social eft perfectionné, traverse successivement tous les degré de civilization et d'industrie qui vont toujours en s'affablissant, jusqu'à ce qu'il arrive en tres peu de jours à la cabane informe et groffice conftruite de trones d'arbres nouvellement abattus. Un tel voyage est une forte d'analyse pratique et vivante de Porigine des peuples et des etats ; on part de l'ensemble le plus compofé pour arriver aux elemens les plus simples ; à chaque journée on perd de vue quelques unes de ces inventions que nos besoins, en se multipliant, ont rendues necessaires ; et il semble que l'on voyage en arriere dans l'histoire des progrès de l'esprit humain. Si un tei spectacle attache fortement l'imagination, si l'on fe plait à retrouver dans la fucceffion de l'espace ce qui semble n'appartenir qu'à la fucceffion des temps, il faut is refoudre à ne voir que tres peu de liens sociaux, nul caractere com

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mun, parmi des hommes qui semblent si peu appartenir à la ménie ai. fociation.

Dans plusieurs cantons, la mer et les bois en ont fait des pecheurs ou des bûcherone ; or, de tels hommes n'ont point, à proprenient parler, de patrie, et leur morale sociale se reduit à bien peu de chose. On á dit depuis long-temps que l'homme eft disciple de ce qui l'entoure ; e cela est vrai; celui qui n'a autour de lui que des deserts, ne peut donc recevoir des leçons que de ce qu'il fait pour vivre. L'idée du besoin que les hommes ont les uns des autres n'existe pas en lui; et c'est uniquement en decomposant le metier qu'il exerce, qu'on trouve le principe de ses affections et de toute la moralité.

Le bûcheron Americain ne s'interesse à rien ; toute idée fenible ett loin de lui; ces branches si elegamment jetées par la nature, un beau feuillage, une couleur vive qui anime une partie de bois, un verd plus fort qui en assombrit une autre, tout cela n'elt rien : il n'a de fouvenir à placer nulle part : c'est la quantité de coups de hache qu'il faut qu'il dunne pour abattre un arbre, qui est son unique idée. Il n'a point planté ; il n'en fait point les plaitirs. L'arbre qu'il planteroit n'est bon à rien pour lui; car jamais il ne le verra aflız fort pour qu'il puisse l'abattre : c'est de detruire qui le fait vivre : on detruit par-tout : aussa tout lieu lui est bon ; il ne tient pas au charnp où il a placé son travail, parce que son travail

, n'elt que de la fatigue, et qu'aucune idée douce n'y eft jointe. Ce qui sort de ses mains ne passe point par toutes les croissances fi attachantes pour le cultivateur ; il ne fuit pas la destinée de fes produce tions ; il ne connoît pas le plaisir des nouveaux essais; et fi en s'en allant il n'oublie pas fa hache, il ne laisse pas de regrets là où il a vecu des années.

· Le pecheur Americain reçoit de sa profession une ame à peu pres aufli insouciante. Ses affections, fon interet, fa vie, sont à coté de la societé à laquelle il croit qu'il appartient. Ce feroit un prejugé de pen. ser qu'il est un membre fort utile; car il ne faut pas comparer ces pêcheurs-là à ceux d’Europe, et croire que c'est comme en Europe un moyen de former des matelots, de faire des hommes de mer adroits et robustes : en Amerique, j'en excepte les habitans de Nantuket qui pêchent la baleine, la pêche est un metier de paresseux. Deux lieues de la côte quand ils n'ont pas de mauvais temps à craindre, un mille quand le temps eft incertain, voilà le courage qu'ils montrent, et la ligne est le seul harpon qu'ils fachent manier : ainsi leur science n'est qu'une bien petite ruse ; et leur action, qui consiste à avoir un bras pendant au bord d'un bateau, resemble bien à de la faineantiie. Ils n'aiment aucun lieu; ils ne connaissent la terre que par une mauvaise maison qu'ils habitent : c'est la mer qui leur donne leur nourriture ; aufi quelques morues de plus on de moins determinent leur patie. Si le nombre leur paruit di minuer à tel endroit, ils s'en vont, et cherchent une autre patrie où ils ait quelques morues de plus. Lorsque quelques ecrivains politiques on: dit que la pêche etoit une sorte d'agriculture, ils ont dit une chose a l'air brillant, mais qui n'a pas de verité. Toutes les qualités, toutes les vertus qui font atachées a l'agricul: ure mas.quent à l'homme qui fe

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livre à la pêche. L'agriculture produit un patriote dans la bonne acception de ce mot ; la pêche ne sait faire que des cosmopolites.'

We are far from considering every part of this picture as accurately drawn from nature. On the contrary, there are not a a few of its lines which resemble a composition rather than a portrait. But, in the general, it is unquestionably like ; and every touch, even the most partial, betrays the hand of a malter.' Who that looks at it does not recognize, to take only a subordinate merit, that turn of expression which has gained for its author the reputation of being indisputably the wittiest of the present generation ?

ART. VII. Flora Britannica. Auctore Jacobo Edvardo Smith,

M. D. Societatis Linneanæ Preside, &c. Londini, tom. I. & II. 1800; III. 1804. 8vo. White.

Ew countries can boast of such a variety and profusion of plants

as the British islands. This circumstance has been noticed by all the botanists who have attended to the enumeration of our indigenous vegetables; and though it unquestionably increased the difficulty of their undertaking, appears only to have excited the ardour of scientific men; and from this cause has arisen both the number and the excellence of our Flora.

The first profeffed enumeration of the British plants, with which we are acquainted, was by William How, in his Plytologia Britannica, Lond. 1650, 8vo. In 1660, Ray began his botanical career, by publishing his Catalogus plantarum circa Cantabrigiam nafcentium, Cant. 8vo. He was followed, in 1667, by Merret, who extended his researches, indeed, throughout every kingdom of nature, in his Pinax rerum Britannicarum, Lond. 8vo. A few years after this, Ray enlarged his original plan, and produced the Catalogus plantarum Anglia, Lond. 1670, 8vo.

The preceding works were only catalogues, with the addition of the places of growth; but Ray, who saw the advantages of systematic arrangement in the recent publication of Morison, and in his own Historia plantarum, published in 1690 the first edition of the Synopsis methodica ftirpium Britannicarum, Lond. 8vo. In this he gave, not only the characters of the several genera, but also the synomyms and uses of the plants, with several other remarks, tending to facilitate the progrets of the student. A second edition of this juftly celebrated work appeared in 1696: and as Ray had amended his system in 1703, a third edition of the Synoptis, rendered agreeable to this emendation, and with large


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