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'125 bodies,' he says, 'were exposed at the Morgue, and 204 of the wounded died at the hospitals;' and some bodies were certainly buried in temporary graves; these M. Ménière reckons at 265, which would make the whole 700 killed; but there seems reason to believe, that no such number as 265 were buried in that unceremonious way. The largest and most remarkable of these graves was that in front of the Louvre, where, in the first and most exaggerated accounts, it was asserted, that near 80 bodies were deposited. Our own information leads us to believe, that the whole of these irregular burials throughout the whole town did not exceed 100, which would give for the total killed 529-a proportion to the 2000 wounded which is certainly, on general principles, too large; and we, with M. de Bermond, very much suspect, that whenever the Commission of national recompenses to the sufferers on these days makes its report, even these corrected numbers will be still considerably diminished; and the more deeply we feel and deplore even that extent of bloodshed, the more consolatory it is to compare it with the extravagant number of ten thousand,' at which a very late writer* states the victims of the royal massacre.'

Though we have abstained from entering the wide field of politics which this subject opens, we do not conceal our dissent from, and our alarm at, the principle of popular sovereignty and the supremacy of physical force which these events are supposed to have consecrated; the danger of such a principle is not to governments only, (as the short-sighted actors in such scenes may suppose,) but to the people, for the protection of whose properties, lives, and liberties, governments are instituted and maintained. Would a country be worth living in, whose destinies were to be at the mercy of the populace of the capital? If any one could have entertained a doubt on this point, the example of France herself, in these late occurrences, would remove it: for so incompatible is the practical operation of such a principle with any semblance of social order, that although the new king and his successive ministers talk so loudly in praise of the revolution, every act of their government has been,— we speak on the evidence of friends and foes,-to check its progress and to repress its spirit. Those who made the revolution go further, and assert that the first and dearest object of the new government is to unmake it. Look at the facts: three days of tumult created Louis-Philippe's first ministry--renewed tumults destroyed them --a more anarchical ministry succeeds their first act is to quarrel with Lafayette, the child and champion' of revolutions, who has been driven, in disgust, from the command which he held by exactly the same right by which the king holds his crown. The people-the sovereign people-who were expelled from the

* Lettre d'un Faubourien à la Garde Nationale de Paris. 28th Dec. 1830.

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Palais Royal on the 27th of July, by the orders of Charles X., were, within six weeks, similarly expelled from the same place by the order of Louis-Philippe. Revolutionary journals were suppressed by the ex-government, and obliged to circulate hand-bills of apology to their subscribers-we have received similar hand-bills from journals, not more revolutionary, suppressed by the existing government; and in both cases the journals protest against the suspension as wholly illegal. The re-establishment of the National Guard was the first, and perhaps the most generally extolled, fruit of the revolution, and the Charter was solemnly placed under its guardianship-the artillery of the National Guard, a most intelligent and influential portion of it, has been dissolved by an ordonnance of the king, countersigned by the third minister of that department which France has had within three months, and the eternal guardians of the Charter' find that they cannot guard themselves from annihilation by a ministerial ordonnance. The Students, who were so prominent in effecting the Revolution, have been within these few days denounced and menaced by a proclamation signed by M. Barthe, who had just been called to office for his supposed devotion to the progress of the Revolution, and who, by this document, appears sadly perplexed in his endeavours to reconcile the merit of insubordination in July with the crime of insubordination in October ;-in short, so hostile are the principles on which the citizen-king's' government was built to the principles on which any government can stand, that the Heroes of the three glorious days' are at this moment undergoing what they call 'persecution' from their own creatures; and there are undoubtedly no body of men in Europe more dissatisfied with the present consequences of the Revolution, than the very men who achieved it. If any reader should suspect us of undervaluing the merits of that work, we beg leave to assure them that not only do all moderate men in France begin to doubt whether it deserves all the applause which has been lavished on it, but even the chief actors in the scene do not hesitate to represent it as a bloody delusion, which it will require yet more blood to dispel.

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ART. VII.—The Result of the General Election; or, What has the Duke of Wellington gained by the Dissolution? London.

1830.

2. The Country without a Government; or, Plain Questions upon the unhappy State of the Present Administration. London. 3. Observations on Two Pamphlets (lately published) attributed to Mr. Brougham. London.

4. The Country Well Governed; or, Plain Questions on the perplexed State of Parties in Opposition. London.

5. Reply

5. Reply to a Pamphlet, entitled 'What has the Duke of Wellington gained by the Dissolution?' By a Graduate of the University of Oxford. London.

6. The Result of the Pamphlets; or, What the Duke of Wellington has to look to. London.

7. Parties and Factions in England at the Accession of William IV. London.

8. Reform without Revolution; or, Thoughts on the Present State of the Country, in a Letter to His Grace the Duke of Wellington. By Camillus. Liverpool.

9. Thoughts on Moderate Reform in the House of Commons. 10. Thoughts on Parliamentary Reform, with a Plan for the Restoration of the Constitution.

11. A Letter to Henry Brougham, Esq., M. P. for the County of York, on the Present State of the English Representation. 12. Three Lectures on the Rate of Wages; delivered before the University of Oxford, in Easter Term, 1830. With a Preface on the Causes and Remedies of the present Disturbances. By Nassau William Senior, of Magdalen College, A. M., late Professor of Political Economy.

13. Correspondence between the Right Honourable Robert Wilmot Horton, and a Select Class of the Members of the London Mechanics' Institution, formed for investigating the most efficient Remedies for the present Distress among the labouring Classes in the United Kingdom, together with the Resolutions unanimously adopted by the Class: also, a Letter from the Right Honourable Robert Wilmot Horton to Dr. Birkbeck, President of the Institution, and his Answer.

14. The People's Book.

15. Cobbett's History of the Regency and Reign of George IV., in Monthly Numbers.

16. Cobbett's Letter to the King.

17. The King's Answer to Cobbett's Letter.

18. Carpenter's Fourpenny Papers.

19. Hetherington's Penny Papers.

Cum multis aliis quæ nunc perscribere longum est.

THE age of the Antonines was the happiest of which any remembrance has been preserved in ancient history; that of the Georges has been the happiest in later times; altogether so in our own country, and, during the greater part of its continuance, throughout the whole of the European states. We have seen the termination of that age-not of the dynasty with which it began, nor (let us trust in God's mercy!) of those blessings which, through the accession of that dynasty, were preserved for our forefathers, and for us-and for our children, unless, by any laches on our part, we suffer their inheritance to be cut off. The demise of a sovereign

a sovereign and the devolution of a crown in regular course can never, in ordinary cases, excite an interest which is either deep or lasting. On this occasion there is a change of name ;-an alteration unimportant in itself, but affording one of those restingplaces for recollection which are found convenient in after-times, one of those accidental divisions by which the acquirement of historical knowledge is facilitated. In this sense, therefore, (if in no other,) a new age has commenced with the new reign; and he must be a careless spectator of passing events who does not perceive, that the circumstances amid which it commences are regarded with grave, if not mournful, forethought, by those who love and venerate the institutions of their country, but with eager and exulting anticipations by all who are desirous of bringing about revolutionary changes.

It is an observation of Bayle's, that le monde est trop indisciplinable pour profiter des maladies des siècles passés. Chaque siècle se comporte comme s'il était le premier venu. Bayle noted this as an instance of the folly of mankind-a folly drawing after it its just and necessary punishment; but Bolingbroke recommends as wisdom this inattention to the experience of former times. He (it is said in Spence's Anecdotes,' better authority than which need not be desired) was of opinion, that the only part of our history necessary to be thoroughly studied does not go far back, because we have had a new set of motives and principles all over Europe since the Pyrenean treaty.' This cankered Bolingbroke' (as Sir Robert Walpole used in acrimonious truth to call him) was as vain a sciolist in political philosophy as in ethics. Easy indeed would be the business of statesmen, or, as they are more commonly and appropriately denominated in these days, public men, if a new era, beyond which it would be needless for them to look back, were to commence with every, so called, settlement of Europe; and a definitive treaty of peace to serve, not only as an adjustment of all existent claims and differences, but as an act of oblivion for the whole preceding history of Christendom,-an amnesty in the literal meaning of the word. But let that Pyrenean treaty (it may serve for this!) bear witness to the profundity of Lord Bolingbroke's observation; bear witness the treaties of Utrecht, and Aix la Chapelle, and Amiens, and Paris, and Vienna! The motives and principles whereby men are actuated lie deeper than on papers and parchments. Plenipotentiaries cannot, in all the fulness of their power, set a quietus upon disturbing causes, some of which have their roots in the institutions of society, and others in the constitution of human nature itself. The popular historian of Switzerland* sufficiently accounted for the errors of men who brought ruin upon themselves and their

* Zschokke.

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country, when he said that they had forgotten the past, and were therefore without any foresight of the future: sie hatten das vergangene vergessen, darum sahen sie das zukünftige nicht. But Bolingbroke's is the prevalent opinion of these times; and a like opinion has ever been encouraged among those who, for their own purposes, would have the wisdom of former ages forgotten and the lessons of experience disregarded; or who, in the ignorance, and inexperience, and temerity of youth, never entertain a doubt of their own competence to decide upon the most awful questions of speculative philosophy and the most important practical points of state policy, looking upon constitutions and creeds as fit subjects for general discussion, and for free experiment as well! I cannot but admire the confidence of men therein,' says Fuller, (speaking of a different class of pretenders in his Pisgah Sight,) especially seeing some which pretend such familiarity to future events, are not the best acquainted with passages in former ages; and those which seem to know all which is to come, know but little of what is past, as if they were the better prophets for being the worse historians.' When Lord Plunkett called history an old almanac, he forgot that it is a perpetual one. Les nations,' says the Marquis de Custine, ' vivent par le passé comme les arbres par leurs racines.'

There are some considerable points of resemblance between the age of the Antonines and the present times. The Roman world had never enjoyed so long a tranquillity as during that fortunate age; luxury was carried, in the provinces as well as in the capital, to the highest pitch; and that corruption both in taste and language had begun to show itself, which also has hitherto been ever among the sure symptoms of a declining state. An old religious establishment was beginning to feel its internal decay, and to fear the incessant attacks of its assailants. The power of the barbarous nations was then too for the first time (though insufficiently) apprehended; those nations who had already made the frontiers of the empire debateable ground, and who, when they had acquired from experience a knowledge of their own strength, burst in upon the empire and overthrew it, and divided it among themselves. There is this difference in our situation, that we have nothing to fear from external enemies, and that ours is a church against which the gates of hell shall not prevail. But though that church cannot be destroyed, may be overthrown for a time, (as heretofore it has been,) and debased, and outraged, and despoiled, and persecuted; and if there are no barbarians to break in upon us, like the Picts and Scots of old, we have let the great body of the people grow up like barbarians in the midst of our civilization. Neglecting almost all means of instilling into them betimes a dutiful veneration for

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