for con cal and ments in tution. therefore, that the growing demand for a further reform of Parliament must speedily be granted, and that this will inevitably lead to further democratic encroachment, it should be the endeavour of practical statesmen to devise some plan to strengthen the authority of the ministers of the crown in Parliament pari passu with the concession of a reformed and extended franchise. But such an Necessity attempt, to be successful, must be urged upon proper serving the grounds. It should distinctly claim for the monarchical monarchiand aristocratic elements in our constitution as their aristoright, that they should be adequately represented in that cratic elebranch of the legislature which has now become the our constisource and centre of political power. No considerations of mere expediency would warrant the recognition of such a demand. No attempt to increase the authority of the crown in the House of Commons merely because it was abstractedly desirable, would be likely to succeed. But if it could be shown that-unless we are willing to admit the right of the crown, and of the landed gentry, to a proportionate influence in the councils of the reformed popular assembly-we must be prepared to acquiesce in the curtailment of their just share in the control of public affairs, in the overthrow of the principles of English constitutional monarchy, and in the virtual establishment of a democratic form of government, the bulk of the nation would, it is presumed, be prompt to acknowledge the justice of such a concession, and to discern in it, moreover, a reasonable solution of a great political problem. Thus far, we have seen, the landed proprietors of England, the natural guardians of law and order, have no cause to complain of being inadequately represented in the House of Commons. It is true that, since the Reform Bill of 1832, the landed interest is no longer supreme; and that the commercial and manufacturing interests have acquired a share of power, to which, by their growth and development, they had become justly entitled. But Earl gestions on this behalf. although, by this great measure, the House of Commons. became a truer representation of the people, the groundwork of our electoral system was not changed. And so long as property is acknowledged to be the rightful basis of representation, there is no fear but that the aristocratic element in our constitution will be duly conserved. But should ever the theory of representation according to population find favour and acceptance, the influence of the aristocracy in the Commons' House of Parliament will be materially diminished, if not altogether annihilated." This contingency, indeed, has not yet arrived; but the danger is so imminent, and the practical difficulties of government are so increasingly apparent, that our statesmen are becoming impressed with the necessity for strengthening the authority of the crown in Parliament, in connection with any further extension of Reform. In a new edition of his admirable essay on 'ParliaGrey's sug- mentary Government,' which has recently appeared, Earl Grey has examined this question with much acuteness and sagacity. Without referring to the theory propounded by Professor Park, and apparently in ignorance of it, his lordship has nevertheless proposed, in his suggestions for a new Reform Bill, certain constitutional changes bearing upon this subject, which only lack the authority they would derive from a recognition of the claims of the crown and the nobles to a legitimate influence in the House of Commons, to entitle them to the highest consideration. After a thorough practical discussion of the growing In a paper read by Professor Leone Levi, before the British Association, in September 1865, on the Statistics of Representation, it is computed that if representation in England were based upon population, 'for every 100 votes there should be given 4 to the upper, 32 to the middle, and 64 to the working classes. If, on the other hand, it were in pro portion to the amount of taxes paid by each, of every 100 votes 83 should be given to the upper classes, 13 to the middle, and 4 to the working classes.' This will afford some idea of the vast social revolution which would be effected by the introduction of representation according to population into the electoral system of England. g evils attending the present working of parliamentary government, owing to the weakness of executive authority, and the increase of democratic ascendancy in the House of Commons,—Earl Grey proceeds to show that if the representation is enlarged, by admitting any considerable number of the working classes into the constituency, it will be necessary to guard against the dangers that may be apprehended from such a step; and more especially from the probable result of disfranchising the few remaining nomination boroughs, which, he asserts, have 'answered purposes of the highest importance in our constitution.' In connection with any further measure of parliamentary reform, his lordship contends that provision should be made,-1. For the representation of minorities; 2. For the apportionment of a certain number of seats in the House of Commons to members representing universities, the learned professions, and the principal industries and trades; 3. For the election by the House itself, of from twelve to fifteen life members, to be chosen by a cumulative vote,' in batches of three at a time, from amongst the leading men of different political parties; 4. For the election, by the House, at the commencement of every Parliament, and for the duration of the Parliament, of a limited number of persons, to be proposed for membership in a list which should be framed and submitted to the House by the existing administration. This would afford an opportunity for the introduction into political life of young men of talent, who could be trained for the future service of the state; it would provide seats for such holders of political offices as were required to be 6 Grey, Parl. Govt. p. 195. b By a cumulative vote' is meant the principle of giving to every elector as many votes as there are members to be chosen by the constituent body, with the option of giving all his votes to a single candidate, or of dividing them amongst the several candidates proposed. By this process minorities would have a fair opportunity of ensuring the election of their favourite men. This mode of voting has received the approval of Mr. J. Stuart Mill. (See his Rep. Govt. p. 141.) It has also obtained the qualified support of Earl Russell-Eng. Const. Introd. p. li. And see Earl Grey's Parl. Govt. p. 203. Objections to Earl Grey's proposals. present in the House of Commons, but could not otherwise find entrance therein; and it would confer upon the ministry the inestimable benefit of a compact body of staunch supporters, who, while they contributed to uphold the authority of the crown, were themselves approved of by the suffrages of the House of Commons. The selection of this class of members being made by lists, a majority of the House, acting in concert, would have the power of naming the whole; and the lists being presented for the sanction of the House by ministers, the agreement thereto would be a question of confidence. Finally, his lordship proposes that members of the House accepting parliamentary offices should be relieved from the necessity of being re-elected by their respective constituencies.1 The acknowledged reputation of Earl Grey as a political philosopher, and his practical experience in the art of government, demand for these suggestions a respectful consideration. At the same time, it is worthy of remark, that other men, whose opinions are equally entitled to respect, have differed from him in regard to certain portions of his scheme. Thus, Professor Austin strenuously denounces the introduction of an electoral qualification consisting in the mere possession of intelligence and knowledge, apart from property. Earl Russell contends that a graduated franchise-as a means of 'averting the dangers of universal suffrage, and of unlimited democracy,' would be an invidious' novelty. And the Saturday Reviewer protests against the 'elaborate complications of electoral machinery which are recommended by Lord Grey and Mr. Hare, in order to afford artificial protection to the minority, as being fit only to serve as intellectual amusements;' declaring with great justice that the minority is more or less effectually protected at present by the limitations of the franchise, by the dissimilarity of different constituencies, and by their great inequality in numbers." This, indeed, is undeniable, so long as the interests of the minority continue to be secured indirectly and unconsciously by the number and variety of the constituencies into which the electoral body is divided; but in proportion as constituencies become homogeneous, and approach to one uniform standard, the necessity of some direct provision for the representation of minorities will undoubtedly be felt." for in strength of in Parlia ment. But these objections are only aimed at those recom- His plan mendations of Earl Grey which are designed to create creasing a counterpoise to the diminution of aristocratic or terri- the torial influence in the House of Commons, which must ministers inevitably follow from any extensive measure of parliamentary reform; they do not at all affect the integrity of his plan for obtaining a moderate increase of the power of ministers in Parliament, which he declares has already become a matter of urgent necessity.'" 'Our constitution brings the whole conduct of the government under the 'Saturday Review, February 25, 1865. The objections to the principle of the representation of minorities are very admirably put in a paper by Mr. J. Boyd Kinnear, in the Fortnightly Review for February 15, 1866, p. 49, &c. And see the weighty arguments against the system proposed, by Mr. Hare and Mr. Mill, of plurality of votes,' by which the several classes of society should exercise a power proportional to their station in life, and their education, in the Edinb. Review for July, 1865, p. 277. On the other hand, the argument in favour of plural votes is ably stated in Fraser's Magazine for August, 1865, p. 145. See a valuable article in Fraser's Magazine for August, 1865, p. 155. In the new edition of his Essay, his lordship has pointed out with great force and clearness the growing evils arising from the want of sufficient |