expressed

foreign

the mouthpiece of an enlightened public opinion, which Opinions calls for special remark. When events are transpiring in Parlia abroad upon which, in the interest of humanity, or of the ment on peace and good government of the world, it is desirable affairs. that British statesmen should have an opportunity of declaring their sentiments, from their place in Parliament— whether by so doing they merely express, with the weight due to their personal character and high official position, the general feelings of the country, or whether they aim at influencing public opinion itself by intelligent and authoritative explanations upon points concerning which they possess peculiar facilities for instructing the public mind—it is customary for some member to call the attention of the House and of the government thereto, in an informal way, or upon a motion for papers. But, while important beneficial results may follow from the temperate use of this practice, it is liable to great abuse. Discussions upon topics which are beyond the jurisdiction of Parliament to determine should not be provoked except upon grave and fitting occasions. When by the operation of existing treaties, the position and duties of England may be affected by events transpiring in other countries or where there is a reasonable probability that the observations of statesmen and politicians in the British legislature will have a beneficial influence upon the fortunes of the country to which they refer they would not be unsuitable, or out of place. But whenever the ministers of the crown discourage or deprecate the expression of opinions in Parliament upon the course of affairs in other countries, it is safer to defer to

d

E. g. see the observations of Sir R. Peel and of Lord John Russell on religious intolerance in Spain, Hans. Deb. vol. clxi. pp. 2054, 2072; discussion on the affairs of Denmark, and Holstein, in the House of Lords on March 18, 1861; and on the Pope and the Kingdom of Italy, in the Lords, on April 19, 1861;

debates on the affairs of Poland, in
the Lords, on July 19, 1861, and in
the House of Commons, on Feb. 27,
1863.

d Hans. Deb. vol. clxix. p. 884.

Sir F. Goldsmid and Lord Palmerston, Ibid. vol. clxvii. pp. 1171, 1195.

Con

cluding

their guidance, and to refrain from utterances that may be hurtful to the cause which it is desired to promote, and that might even operate prejudicially upon the interests of the British nation.

We have now passed under review the principal preremarks. rogatives of the British crown, and have endeavoured to point out, in the light of precedent, and with the help of recognised authority in the interpretation of constitutional questions, the proper functions of Parliament in relation thereto. We have shown that the exercise of these prerogatives has been entrusted, by the usages of the Constitution, to the responsible ministers of the crown, to be wielded in the king's name and behalf, for the interests of the state; subject always to the royal approval, and to the general sanction and control of Parliament. Parliament itself, we have seen, is one of the councils of the crown, but a council of deliberation and advice, not a council of administration. Into the details of administration a parliamentary assembly is, essentially, unfit to enter; and any attempt to discharge such functions, under the specious pretext of reforming abuses, or of rectifying corrupt influences, would only lead to greater evils, and must inevitably result in the sway of a tyrannical and irresponsible democracy. Instead of the function of governing, for which,' says Mill, such an assembly is radically unfit, its proper office is to watch and control the government; to throw the light of publicity on its acts; to compel a full exposition and justification of all of them which anyone considers questionable; to censure them if found to merit condemnation; and if the men who compose the government abuse their trust, or fulfil it in a manner which conflicts with the deliberate sense of the nation, to expel them from office'-or, rather, compel them to retire, by an unmistakable expression of the will of Parliament. Instead of attempting to decide

f Mill, Rep. Govt. p. 104.

upon matters of administration by its own vote, the proper duty of a representative assembly is to take care that the persons who have to decide them are the proper persons,' to see that those individuals are honestly and intelligently chosen, and to interfere no further with them; except by unlimited latitude of suggestion and criticism, and by applying or withholding the final seal of national assent.'

Mill, Rep. Govt. pp. 94, 106. Functions of Representative Bodies' The whole chapter On the Proper is deserving of a careful study.

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