copious a repertorium of vituperative elo-, or even professing to have, any additional quence, as, we believe, our language can means or special motive to account for the produce, and especially against everything attempt. in which he chooses (whether right or We suspect, however, that we can trace wrong) to recognise the shiboleth of Tory- Mr. Macaulay's design to its true source--ism. We shall endeavour, however, in the the example and success of the author of expression of our opinions, to remember the Waverley. The Historical Novel, if not respect we owe to our readers and to Mr. invented, at least first developed and illusMacaulay's general character and standing trated by the happy genius of Scott, took a in the world of letters, rather than the pro- sudden and extensive hold of the public vocations and example of the volumes im-taste; he himself, in most of his subsequent mediately before us. novels, availed himself largely of the histo Mr. Macaulay announces his intention of rical element which had contributed so bringing down the history of England al-much to the popularity of Waverley. The most to our own times; but these two vol-press has since that time groaned with his umes are complete in themselves, and we imitators. We have had historical novels may fairly consider them as a history of the of all classes and grades. We have had Revolution; and in that light the first ques- served up in this form the Norman Conquest tion that presents itself to us is why Mr. and the Wars of the Roses, the Gunpowder Macaulay has been induced to re-write Plot and the Fire of London, Darnley and what had already been so often and even so Richelieu-and almost at the same moment recently written among others, by Dal- with Mr. Macaulay's appeared a professed rymple, a strenuous but honest Whig, and romance of Mr. Ainsworth's on the same by Mr. Macaulay's own oracles, Fox and subject-James II. Nay, on a novelist of Macintosh ? It may be answered that both this popular order has been conferred the Fox and Mackintosh left their works imper- office of Historiographer to the Queen. fect. Fox got no farther than Monmouth's death; but Mackintosh came down to the Orange invasion, and covered full ninetenths of the period as yet occupied by Mr. Macaulay. Why then did Mr. Macaulay not content himself with beginning where Mackintosh left off-that is, with the Revolution? and it would have been the more natural, because, as our readers know, it is there that Hume's history terminates. Mr. Macaulay, too mature not to have well measured his own peculiar capacities, not rich in invention but ingenious in application, saw the use that might be made of this principle, and that history itself would be much more popular with a large embroidery of personal, social, and even topographical anecdote and illustration, instead of the sober garb in which we had been in the habit of seeing it. Few histories indeed What reason does he give for this work ever were or could be written without some of supererogation? None. He does not admixture of this sort. The father of the (as we shall see more fully by and by) take art himself, old Herodotus, vivified his text the slightest notice of Mackintosh's history, with a greater share of what we may call no more than if it had never existed. Has personal anecdote than any of his classical he produced a new fact? Not one. Has followers. Modern historians, as they haphe discovered any new materials? None,pened to have more or less of what we may as far as we can judge, but the collections of call artistic feeling, admitted more or less of Fox and Mackintosh, confided to him by this decoration into their text, but always their families.* It seems to us a novelty in with an eye (which Mr. Macaulay never literary practice that a writer raised far by exercises) to the appropriateness and value fame and fortune above the vulgar tempta- of the illustration. Generally, however, tions of the craft should undertake to tell a such matters have been thrown into notes, story already frequently and recently told or, in a few instances-as by Dr. Henry and by masters of the highest authority and in Mr. Knight's interesting and instructive most extensive information, without having, Pictorial History'-into separate chapters. *It appears from two notes of acknowledgments The large class of memoir-writers may also to M. Guizot and the keepers of the archives at be fairly considered as anecdotical historians the Hague, that Mr. Macaulay obtained some ad--and they are in fact the sources from ditions to the copies which Mackintosh already which the novelists of the new school exhad of the letters of Ronquillo the Spanish and Citters the Dutch minister at the court of James. tract their principal characters and main inWe may conjecture that these additions were incidents. significant, since Mr. Macaulay has nowhere, that we have observed, specially noticed them; but except these, whatever they may be, we find no trace of anything that Fox and Mackintosh had not already examined and classed, Mr. Macaulay deals with history, evidently, as we think, in imitation of the novelists-his first object being always picturesque effect-his constant endeavour to give from all the repositories of gossip that abridge an historian's full liberty of censure have reached us a kind of circumstantial-but he should not be a satirist, still less a reality to his incidents, and a sort of drama-libeller. We do not say nor think that Mr. tic life to his personages. For this purpose Macaulay's censures were always unmerited he would not be very solicitous about con--far from it—but they are always, we tributing any substantial addition to history, think without exception, immoderate. Nay, strictly so called; on the contrary, indeed, it would scarcely be too much to say that he seems to have willingly taken it as he this massacre of character is the point on found it, adding to it such lace and trim- which Mr. Macaulay must chiefly rest any mings as he could collect from the Mon-claims he can advance to the praise of immouth-street of literature, seldom it may be partiality, for while he paints everything safely presumed of very delicate quality. It that looks like a Tory in the blackest is, as Johnson drolly said, 'an old coat with colours, he does not altogether spare any of a new facing-the old dog in a new doub- the Whigs against whom he takes a spite, let.' The conception was bold, and-so though he always visits them with a gentler far as availing himself, like other novelists, correction. In fact, except Oliver Cromof the fashion of the day to produce a well, King William, a few gentlemen who popular and profitable effect-the experi- had the misfortune to be executed or exiled ment has been eminently successful. for high treason, and every dissenting minBut besides the obvious incentives just ister that he has or can find occasion to nonoticed, Mr. Macaulay had also the stimu- tice, there are hardly any persons mentioned lus of what we may compendiously call a who are not stigmatized as knaves or fools, strong party spirit. One would have differing only in degrees of turpitude' and thought that the Whigs might have been imbecility. Mr. Macaulay has almost satisfied with their share in the historical realized the work that Alexander Chalmers's library of the Revolution :-besides Rapin, playful imagination had fancied, a BiograEchard, and Jones, who, though of moder- phia Flagitiosa, or The Lives of Eminent ate politics in general, were stout friends to Scoundrels. This is also an imitation of the Revolution, they have had of professed the Historical Novel, though rather in the and zealous Whigs, Burnet, the foundation track of Eugene Aram and Jack Sheppard of all, Kennett, Oldmixon, Dalrymple, than of Waverley or Woodstock; but what Laing, Brodie, Fox, and finally Mackintosh would you have? To attain the picturesque and his continuator, besides innumerable the chief object of our artist-he adopts writers of less note, who naturally adopted the ready process of dark colours and a the successful side; and we should not have rough brush. Nature, even at the worst, supposed that the reader of any of those is never gloomy enough for a Spagnoletto, historians, and particularly the latter ones, and Judge Jeffries himself, for the first time, could complain that they had been too spar- excites a kind of pity when we find him, ing of imputation, or even vituperation, to (like one to whom he was nearly akin) not the opposite party. But not so Mr. Mac- so black as he is painted. aulay. The most distinctive feature on the face of his pages is personal virulence-if he has at all succeeded in throwing an air of fresh life into his characters, it is mainly due, as any impartial and collected reader will soon discover, to the simple circum- We premise that we are about to enter stance of his hating the individuals of the into details, because there is in fact little to opposite party as bitterly, as passionately, question or debate about but details. We as if they were his own personal enemies have already hinted that there is absolutely more so, indeed, we hope than he would a no new fact of any consequence, and, we mere political antagonist of his own day. think we can safely add, hardly a new view When some one suggested to the angry of any historical fact, in the whole book. O'Neil that one of the Anglo-Irish families Whatever there may remain questionable or whom he was reviling as strangers had been debatable in the history of the period, we four hundred years settled in Ireland, the should have to argue with Burnet, DalrymMilesian replied, 'I hate the churls as if ple, or Mackintosh, and not with Mr. they had come but yesterday.' Mr. Macau- Macaulay. It would, we know, have a lay seems largely endowed with this (as grander air if we were to make his book the with a more enviable) species of memory, occasion of disquisitions on the rise and proand he hates, for example, King Charles I.gress of the constitution-on the causes by as if he had been murdered only yesterday. which the monarchy of the Tudors passed, Let us not be understood as wishing to though the murder of Charles, to the From this first general view of Mr. Macaulay's Historical Novel we now proceed to exhibit in detail some grounds for the opinion which we have ventured to express. despotism of Cromwell-how again that, words, commonly called style, but the turn produced a restoration which settled none of mind which prompts the choice of exof the great moral or political questions pressions as well as of topics. We need not which had generated all those agitations, repeat that Mr. Macaulay has a great faciland which, in return, those agitations had ity of language, a prodigal copia verborum— complicated and inflamed—and how, at last, that he narrates rapidly and clearly-that the undefined, discordant, and antagonistic he paints very forcibly-and that his readpretensions of the royal and democratical ers throughout the tale are carried on, or elements were reconciled by the Revolution away, by something of the sorcery which a and the Bill of Rights—and finally, whether brilliant orator exercises over his auditory. with too much or too little violence to the But he has also in a great degree the faults principles of the ancient constitution--all of the oratorical style. He deals much too these topics, we say, would, if we were so largely in epithets a habit exceedingly inclined, supply us, as they have supplied dangerous to historical truth. He habitually Mr. Macaulay, with abundant opportunities constructs a piece of what should be calm, of grave tautology and commonplace; but dispassionate narrative, upon the model of we decline to raise sham debates on points the most passionate peroration-adhering in where there is no contest. We can have numberless instances to precisely the same little historic difference, properly so called, specific formula of artifice. His diction is with one who has no historical difference on often inflated into fustian, and he indulges the main facts with anybody else: instead, in exaggeration till it sometimes, unconthen, of pretending to treat any great ques-sciously no doubt, amounts to falsehood. It tions, either of constitutional learning or po- is a common fault of those who strive at litical philosophy, we shall confine ourselves producing oratorical effects, to oscillate beto the humbler but more practical and more tween commonplace and extravagance; and useful task above stated. while studying Mr. Macaulay, one feels as Our first complaint is of a comparatively if vibrating between facts that every one small and almost mechanical, and yet very knows and consequences which nobody can real, defect-the paucity and irregularity of believe. We are satisfied that whoever his dates, and the mode in which the few that will take, as we have been obliged to do, he does give are overlaid, as it were, by the the pains of sifting what Mr. Macaulay has text. This, though it may be very conve-produced from his own mind with what he nient to the writer, and quite indifferent to has borrowed from others, will be entirely the reader, of an historical romance, is per- of our opinion. In truth, when, after readplexing to any one who might wish to reading a page or two of this book, we have ocand weigh the book as a serious history, of casion to turn to the same transaction in which dates are the guides and landmarks; and when they are visibly neglected we cannot but suspect that the historian will be found not very solicitous about strict accuracy. This negligence is carried to such an extent that, in what looks like a very copious table of contents, one of the most important events of the whole history-that, indeed, on which the Revolution finally turned-the marriage of Princess Mary to the Prince of Orange, is not noticed; nor is any date affixed to the very cursory mention of it in the text. It is rather hard to force the reader who buys this last new model history, in general so profuse of details, to recur to one of the old-fashioned ones to discover that this important event happened in the year 1675, and on the 4th of November-a day thrice over remarkable in William's history-for his birth, his marriage, and his arrival with his invading army on the coast of Devon. Burnet, Dalrymple, or Hume, we feel as if we were exchanging the glittering agility of a rope-dancer for gentlemen in the attire and attitude of society. And we must say that there is not one of those writers that does not give a clearer and more trustworthy account of all that is really historical in the period than can be collected from Mr. Macaulay's more decorated pages. We invite our readers to try Mr. Macaulay's merits as an historian by the test of comparison with his predecessors. The very first line of his narrative is an example of that kind of pompous commonplace that looks like something and is nothing : Nothing in the early existence of Britain indicated the greatness which she was destined to attain.'-i. 4. It This is an exordium that would have fitted the history of any nation whatever. might indeed be more truly said that noOur second complaint is of one of the thing in the earlyexistence of Rome--nothing least important, perhaps, but most promi- in the early existence of France-indicated nent defects of Mr. Macaulay's book-his the greatness which they were destined to style-not merely the choice and order of attain. The Britons had at least a sepa rate and independent geographical position,, And Cicero notices that such superstitions which neither the cradle of Rome nor that still lingered in that neighborhood—in viciof France enjoyed, and a position so remark-nia nostra (1 Tusc., 10). Does that prove able, toto orbe divisos, as even to be the theme of poetry before France had the rudiments of national existence. In the following passage we hardly know which to wonder most at-its pomp or its utter futility: From this communion [with the lingering civilization of the Eastern Empire] Britain was cut off. Her shores were, to the polished race which dwelt by the Bosphorus, objects of a mysterious horror, such as that with which the Ionians of the age of Homer had regarded the Straits of Scylla and the city of the Læstrygonian cannibals. There was one province of our island in which, as Procopius had been told, the ground was covered with serpents, and the air was such that no man could inhale it and live. To this desolate region the spirits of the departed were ferried over from the land of the Franks at mid night. A strange race of fishermen performed the ghastly office. The speech of the dead was distinctly heard by the boatman: their weight made the keel sink deep in the water; but their forms were invisible to mortal eye. Such were the marvels which an able historian, the contemporary of Belisarius, of Simplicius, and of Tribonian, gravely related in the rich and polite Constantinople, touching the country in which the founder of Constantinople had assumed the imperial purple.-i. 5. This is a mistake of Mr. Macaulay's exaggerating a mistake of Procopius. Procopius says no such thing of Britain; he mentions Britain—an island, Mr. Macaulay might have remembered, already known to the world not merely as the place 'in which the founder of Constantinople had assumed the Imperial purple'-but by the writings of Cæsar and Tacitus. But Procopius adds that there is reported to be in the same neighborhood another island, called Brittia, of which he relates those wonders. It is clear that there was no such other island, unless, indeed, Ireland was meant, and there are legends-St. Patrick, the reptiles, the purgatory, and the ferrymen of Lough Derg, &c.-which are not far short of the wonders of Brittia, for he speaks of both in the same page as different islands; but it is not true that Procopius himself, whatever his informants might do, could have mistaken this marvellous region for Britain. But even if Procopius had spoken of Britain, we should still wonder that the author of the 'Lays of Ancient Rome' did not recollect that Virgil had told nearly the same story of the Avernian region :— Quam super haud ullæ poterant impune volantes Tendere iter pennis; talis sese halitus atris Faucibus effundens Portitor has horrendas aquas et flumina servat Terribili squalore Charon.' that the country between Rome and Naples was, in the days of Cicero and Virgil, utterly unknown and barbarous ? We again wonder that a grave historian should think that such a story could possibly relate to an island in possession of the greater part of which the Romans had been for upwards of four centuries-and introduce it to prove nothing, as far as we can see-but what, we own, it does prove-that 'able historians' may tell foolish stories, and that an over anxiety to show one's learning may betray the smallness and occasionality of the stock. very Sometimes Mr. Macaulay strains after verbal effect, and in his effort loses the point. silence with the name of the lion-hearted PlantaArabian mothers long awed their infants to genet.'—i. 4. This is an unlucky occasion to introduce the name of Plantagenet, which assuredly no Arabian ear had ever heard nor tongue pronounced. How much more really strikking is the simplicity of Joinville-Quant les petiz enfans des Turcs et Sarrazins erioient, leurs meres leurs disoient Tays-toyTays-toy; ou j'yray querir le Roi Richart. Et de paeurs qu'ilz avoient se taysoient.' And then, forsooth, after five centuries, trundles up Mr. Macaulay, puffing and blowing with his lion-hearted Plantagenet. When he complains that English historians are too partial to our Norman kings, it is in this style : Tilbury Fort, the place where Elizabeth had with a manly spirit hurled foul scorn at Parma and Spain.' in Queen Elizabeth's speech to her army at Mr. Macaulay found the words foul scorn Tilbury, but has totally mistaken their meaning, and turned them into nonsense. If the Queen had used scorn in the sense of defiance, she might perhaps have said proud scorn; but she spoke of foul scorn in the sense of disgrace or insult. "I know,” said she, "I have the body of a weak woman, but I have the heart and stomach of a king, and of a king of England too; and think it foul scorn that Parma or Spain or any prince of Europe should dare invade the borders of my realm; to which, rather than that any dishonour should grow, I myself will take up arms," &c.-Cabala, p. 373. That is, she hurled defiance because she would not endure foul scorn. If Mr. Macaulay is often too grandiloquent, he sometimes seeks effect in a studied meanness of expression. And after all it was not a hangman, but a headsman; and a wretched one too. Surely, as Sir Hugh Evans says, 'this is affectations; and, in truth, affectation, whether high or low, is one of the most prominent features of Mr. Macaulay's style, which, often vivid, often forcible, often exquisitely pregnant with allusion and suggestion, is hardly ever natural through a page together. As a specimen of Mr. Macaulay's vituperative style, in which, as we have said, he excels we think any writer in our lanThe chaplain in squires' houses, temp.guage, we select first the case of Judge JefCh. II., was, Mr. Macaulay says, denied the delicacies of the table, but he 'might fill himself with the corned beef and car rots.'-i. 328. that fries, both because it is the one which it is We are far from questioning the abstract justice of the epithets bestowed on Jeffries, nor should we have professed to treat of such a monster dispassionately-for we confess we never refer to one of the trials at which he presided, without fresh indignation and horror-but we complain, as a matter of taste and style, of the violence and pertinacity with which they are repeated, quite as often out of season as in; until at last Jeffries himself begins to appear as dispassionate as the historian. There was probably no stag-hunt at all William may have been shooting; but this low phrase seems introduced to suggest In the same paragraph in which we read William was no party, and even quite indif- this claim of being dispassionate we find, as ferent, to Burnet's negotiation. No-while applied to Jeffries, the terms wicked-inthat momentous question was in debate be- solent-angry-audacity-depravity---infatween his wife and his chaplain, he was off bully--impudence and ferocity--yell of fury— and on the my; very next page, consummate after a stag.' ( Monmouth's army is said, in the style of Percy's Reliques, to have been in evil case' (i. 601); certain Popish priests spell like washerwomen' (ii. 111); and the charge of royal cavalry that finally routed the rebels is thus enlivened from one of Mr. Macaulay's own ballads. เ odious-terrible-savage-fiendish. These are some-and some only-of the flowers of rhetoric culled from two half-pages of a dispassionate history, and of which a still more odorous assortment may be found scattered with equal liberality through the rest of the volumes. These specimens will, however, satisfy any reader, however strong The Life Guards and Blues came pricking fast may be his antipathy to Jeffries's memory; from Weston Zoyland.'-i. 609. The ballad had sung, 'The fiery Duke came pricking fast!' And again; on the acquittal of the Bishops, the history says, The boats that covered the Thames gave an answering cheer.'-ii. 386. The ballad on the defeat of the Armada sings And all the thousand masts of Thames In the last scene of Monmouth and he will, we think, be inclined to smile at hearing that Mr. Macaulay takes this special occasion of directing our indignation against another of Jeffries's enormities, namely,— 'The profusion of maledictions and vituperative epithets which composed his vocabulary could hardly be rivalled in the Fish Market or the Bear Garden.'-i. 450. If this vocabulary of the Fishmarket or Bear-garden (Mr. Macaulay must excuse our use of his own terms) were applied only to such delinquents as Jeffries, we The hangman addressed himself to his office. should have allowed for his indignation, -i. 628. though we might not approve his taste; |