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heireffes to George marquisofHalifax; Sir Charles Hothan, bart. and lady Elizabeth, married Samuel Hill of Shenflon, Efq; and died without iffue on November 24, 1717.

by his fecond daughter, Gertude, wife to the honourable William Pierpoint, Efq; ancestor to the prefent duke of Kingston, and dying on the 17th of January 1725-6, left four fons and two daughters.

Philip Dormer, the prefent earl of Chesterfield.

Sir William Stanhope, fecond fon, of Wenge and Afcot, in Buckinghamshire, born January 20, 1702, who, on the inftitution of the military order of the Bath, by king George I. was chofen one of the knights. He first wedded Mary, daughter of John Rudge, Efq; deputy-governor of the South-fea company, and by her, who died in October 1740, had one daughter, married to Welbore Ellis, Efq. His fecond wife was Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Ambrofe Crawley, knight, and The died without iffue on the 15th of February 1746.

John Stanhope, the third fon, was born January 5, 1704, and died in December 1748, unmarried.

Charles Stanhope, the fourth fon, was born September 6, 1708, and died unmarried, on the 20th of February 1735 6.

Lady Gertrude married the late

Philip Dormer, the prefent earl of Chesterfield, baron Stanhope of Shelford, knight of the most noble order of the Garter, and one of his majefly's most honourable privycouncil, was born Sept. 22, 1695. He married, on the 5th of Sept. 1722, the lady Melofina, countess of Walfingham, by whom he has no iffue.

Armorial Bearings ] ermine and gules.

Quarterly,

Creft.] On a wreath, a tower argent, with a demi-lion rampant, iffing from the battlements, or, crowned ducally, gules, and holding between his paws a grenade firing, proper.

Supporters.] On the dexter-fide a wolf, or, crowned with a ducal coronet. On the finifter a talbot, ermine.

Motto.] A Deo et Rege.-For God and the king.

Chief Seats.] At Bretly in Derbyfhire; at Shelford in Nottinghamfhire; at Blackheath in Kent; and South Audley-ftreet, London.

Account of what paffed between Captain Forbes and Mr. Wilkes, at Paris. Written by Captain Forbes to his Father.

SIR,

I Received your's last night, de

firing me to give you an exact account of what happened betwixt me and that fellow Wilkes, which I fhall, as it happened:

Going along the Comedie-street, betwixt ten and eleven forenoon, I met two English gentlemen, one of

which I thought might be Wilkes. I had never feen the man before; but guefied him by a picture I had feen of him. Upon our approaching, I asked him if Wilkes was not his name? Upon which he told me, it was. I then desired I might fpeak with him apart. The other gentleman that was with him walked

off.

off. I let him know that I was a Scotch gentleman; had been a cap. tain in the fervice of this country; and that, upon account of the fcur. rilous and ignominious things he had wrote against my country, I was determined he should fight me. He told me, he could not then go with ne; but that if I would take the trouble to write to him, or come to his lodgings at the Hotel de Saxe, Rue de Colombier, in the afternoon, he would go along with me.

As I thought it was more proper to go to his lodgings than write, I went at three o'clock; but did not find him. I returned betwixt four and five: upon not finding him, I left my name, on a board. I went for the third time betwixt feyen and eight; and as he had not been at home all that afternoon, I begged the Swifs to let him know that I fhould have the honour of waiting on him next morning.

Upon my coming to his lodgings next morning about fix o'clock, I found him at laft; and his fervant fhewed me into a parlour till he fhould get up. There was a table

in the middle of the room covered with gazettes, papers, and books, a chair by it with two fwords, and the gentleman's hat. I waited there a full half hour, and at laft he appeared; and feating himself by me, afked what captain Forbes wanted with him I told him, as I had heard he was a man of honour, I had hitherto treated him according ly; and as I could now hardly believe it, I wanted abfolutely to put him to the proof. To which he replied, that a man of courage he was; and that he had given proof enough of that in fighting lord Talbot; and that he would fight no man elfe

till he fought lord Egremont. Upon which lafked him, if he came to Paris to fight lord Egremont ? He replied, he was not to be catechized by any one. I then plainly told him, that I was not to be made a fool of; and that I had been now so often at his lodgings, I was refolved he should fight, otherwi'e the first time I fhould meet him I would treat him as a villain and fcoundrel deferved. He replied, he was not obliged to fight all the Scotchmen; and that he was ton ufeful a fubject to risk his life. I then told him, I did not think the state would fuffer in lofing fich a fubject as he; and as for his not being obliged to fight all Scotchmen, I thought it was the least thing he could do, fince he had taken the liberty of writing fuch fcandalous papers against the whole, to fight one of them, as he had never fought one in his life. He then told me, he would fight me; and, as fuch things could not be done without witneffes, to come back at twelve o'clock, and have a friend with me; and that at that hour he should wait on me with his friend.

I returned there at the hour appointed, and told my friend not to. enter the Hotel, that he might not have to fay there came two upon him. When I went in, he was not at home. I waited a good half-hour in his drawing room, talking with his fecretary. He at laft appeared, with two English gentlemen. When he came in, I told him I wanted to fpeak to him at the door, He infifted I should fit down for a moment; which I did: and after talking a long while together, I loft all patience, and told him I wanted to fpeak one word with him at the 0004

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door on which the two English gentlemen, that came in with him, got up, and went out. My opinion was, that he wanted I fhould challenge him before these two, that they might witness against me: but that fcheme, if fuch was his intention, did not take. But to the purpose: There was nobody in the room but his fecretary, he and I; before whom he told me, that it was very hard he fhould be challenged and attacked in the ftreets by captain Forbes, without knowing for what. Upon this I asked him, what were his intentions? He told me they were, not to fight any one till he fhould lord Egremont; and afked me, whether I came to him as an affalin or a gentleman. Upon which I told him I was a gentleman; but that he had not fhewn himself fuch; and that if he had not the protection of his own house I would use him like a fcoundrel and rafcal, as he deferved: upon which his fecretary, a Frenchman, but who spoke good English, faid to me, that if I knew Mr. Wilkes, I would not fpeak fo to him: to which I replied,

that I perhaps knew him better than he did; and turning to Wilkes, I told him that the first time ever I fhould meet him in the streets, or elsewhere, I would give him a hundred strokes of a stick, as he deserved no more to be used like a gentleman, but as an eternal rafcal and fcoundrel; and I added, that in cafe he should take a second thought, which I had no reason to believe, I would leave him my direction, which he wrote down: after which, I went out and left him. I went, after this fcene, to dinner; and after that to the Thuilleries; from whence coming home in the evening, I got notice that there were orders from the Marechaux of France to take me up: upon which I thought it prudent to keep out of the way. This happened the 17th and 18th of Auguft. I am, Sir, &c.

N. B. "Captain Forbes was only nine years of age at the time of the rebellion, fo cannot come under the defcripion of a rebe!, as has been feveral times infinuated in the papers." A. B.

A fhort Differtation concerning the prodigious Growth of fome Trees.

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1

was, A. D. 1686, an apple-tree there are trees that grow to the
within the moat of the parfonage
house at Leigh, in that county, that
fpread about 34 yards in circum-
ference, which, allowing four
fquare feet for a man, would fhel-
ter 500 footmen under its branches.
This, indeed, is but fmall in com-
parison of the tree above-men-
tioned by Thevenot, provided he
was exact in the measuring of it, and
obferved the fame proportion for
the ftanding of his men; but it is
an amazing growth for an apple

tree.

A pearmain, in New England, at a foot from the ground, meafured ten feet and four inches round, and it bore one year 38 bufhels. See Eame's Abridg. Phil. Tranf. part II. p. 34z.

The dimenfions, likewife, of the Witch-Elm, that grew at Field, in Staffordshire, are really wonderful; of which Dr. Plot, in the aforefaid history of that county, in the 6th chapter, gives us the following particulars: 1. That it feil 120 fect, or 40 yards in length. 2. That the stool or butt-end, was five yards and two feet in diameter, and 17 yards in circumference. 3. That it was eight yards 18 inches, or 25 feet and a half about by girth measure in the middle. 4. That it contained 100 ton at leaft of neat timber; but as far as I can inform myfelf Firtrees grow the highest of any for we are told, that in the Canton of Bern in Switzerland, there are fome above 76 yards high. I have not read nor heard of any other trees, or in any other place, that really equal thefe in tallness."

Pliny fays, in his Nat. Hift. lib. vi. c. 32, that in the Fortunate Ilands, (now called the Canaries)

height of 144 feet; but he does not tell us what kind of trees they are: yet, in another place, viz. Nat. Hift. lib. xvi. c. 39. he says, that the Larch-tree and Fir-tree grow to be the talleft and ftraitest of all trees. What he mentions in the next chaper, of trees fo thick that they require three or four men to grasp them, is a very indeterminate way of speaking, neither can we easily credit what he reports of the German pirates, that they ufed boats made hollow out of one fingle tree that would each of them hold 30 men; at least, we must conceive them to be made out of trees of a prodigious trunk. It alfo appears by this, that canoes were in ufe in the northern climates long before America was discovered. This feems, likewife, a little too much of the marvellous, where he informs us (Nat. Hift. lib. vii. chap. 2.) That in India there are trees of fuch a height, that a man cannot fhobt an arrow to the top of them; and that a troop of horfe may be ranged under one of their Figtrees.

But let us come nearer home, and we may find trees that are really wonderful, without any exaggeration. In Mr. Ray's life, by Dr. Derham, published by George Scott, F. R. S. we have the following remarkable paragraph: "Oa. 14, 1669, (fays he) we rode to fee the famous fir-trees, fome two miles and a half diftant from Newport, in a village called Wareton, in Shrop fhire, in the land of Mr. Skrimshaw. There are of them 35 in number, very tali and ftraight, without any boughs till towards the top. The greateit, which feems to be the

mother

mother of the reft, we found by measure to be 14 feet and a half round the body, and they fay 56 yards high, which to me feemed not incredible."

At Torwort (alias Tamworth) in Gloucestershire, there is a chefnuttree, which, in all probability, is the oldeft, if not the largest in England, being 52 feet round. This tree is faid to have ftood there ever fince the reign of king Stephen, A. D. 1150. It is mentioned by Mr. Evelyn, lib. iii. c. 7. by the author of the England's Gazetteer, in the

article Torworth; and in the Gentleman's Magazine for Feb. 1762.

Keyfler, in his Travels, vol. IV. p. 459, tells us, that there is a Hazel-tree to be feen (A. D. 1731.) in Mr. Haffel's garden, in the city of Francfort, of which their annals make mention above zoo years ago. The lower part of its trunk is feven Francfort ells in circumference; its height is equal to that of the houfes near it, and it fill bears nuts every year, but the tree now begins to decay.

* A Franckfort ell is about two feet three inches.

Proceedings of the Council of Geneva relative to Mr. Rouffeau's Emilius.

THE public was informed fome time fince, that, by a decree of the council of Geneva, two books written by Mr. Rouffeau, intitled, Emilius, or on Education, and the Social Contract, were condemned to be torn and burnt by the hands of the common executioner. By fuch a fentence, paffed with much precipitation, and want of previous formalities, many citizens are of opinion, that the laws had been violated. For which reason they determined to offer remonftrances on that subject; and they were accordingly delivered to the firft fyndick of the republick on the 18th of June past.

Thofe remonftrances exhibited other grievances, befides thofe relating to Mr. Rouffeau and his works. But I have herewith fent you only that part of them relating to him, as more likely to excite your readers curiofity.

"THE citizens and freemen

who have the honour of presenting thefe dutiful remonftrances to the first fyndic, firmly attached to their country, thoroughly convinced that a due regard to its Jaws must be the primary fource of its welfare, and deeply affected with the fanctity of the oath that binds them to the ftate, think themselves indifpenfably obliged to complain of many infringements of the laws of the republick, and the liberty of the citizens."

"It is true, the facts complained of by the citizens and freemen, relate only to fome individuals; but Publick Liberty being an aggregate of Private Liberties, may be compared to a chain whose strength depends on the links that compofe it; break a fingle link of that chain, it will lofe its ftrength: let a single member of the body fuffer, and the whole body will partake of its pain. Thus the unredreffed grievances of a fingle member of the ftate, become thofe of the publick;

and

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