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chapters giving a picture of rural life sixty years ago.
The London Outlook is of the opinion that “in the two respects of screaming vulgarity of mind and what can only be called drunkenness of imagination, Mr. Lawson's ‘Friday the 13th' is probably the most remarkable novel that was ever offered to the public above the level of those who read the Police News.”
The Longmans are about to publish Mr. G. Macaulay Trevelyan's book on “Garibaldi's Defence of the Roman Republic.” It is a history of the political and military events in 1849 which caused the final breach between the Papacy and the Italian national aspirations, and raised Garibaldi to the zenith of his popularity. It contains a full account of the siege of Rome by the French, and of Garibaldi's retreat.
For young readers the latest group of books in Everyman's Library provides two delightful volumes: Mrs. Gatty’s “Parables from Nature”; and “Fairy Gold,” a book of old English fairy tales compiled from many sources in prose and verse by Ernest Bhys, who is the general editor of the series. Robin Goodfellow, Tom Thumb, Fortunatus, Chicken-Little and other old favorites are to be found here, in company with many others not so familiar but not less diverting.
In the preface to his new story, “Frank Brown, Sea Apprentice,” Frank T. Bullen vouches for the accuracy of all the incidents, though the hero—the fourteen-year-old son of an English counting-house clerk—is of course fictitious. The boy's apprenticeship begins on a barque bound for the South Sea Islands, his second voy
age takes him to Hong Kong, and his third to Calcutta. Besides an abundance of realistic detail relating to the routine of a sailor's life, there is a succession of stirring incidents, including a fire in the hold, an East Indian cyclone, a collision and the overhauling of a derelict. In spite of Mr. Bullen's well-known enthusiasm for the sea and his belief in its possibilities for the development of a robust and manly character, he describes the hardships of the life with candor and his book is a thoroughly wholesome one to put into a boy's hands. There is no question about the boy's enjoying it. E. P. Dutton & Co.
The “Three Phi Beta Kappa Addresses” which give the title and furnish most of the material for a small volume by Charles Francis Adams were given in the years 1883, 1902 and 1906; and the first and third of them,“A College Fetich” and “Some Modern College Tendencies” have a certain relation to each other in theme, though widely separated in time. The “fetich” dwelt upon in the first is an excessive devotion to the classics and especially to Greek. Concerning this it is to be remarked that Greek, at least, is not the fetich that it was. The modern college tendencies which Mr. Adams describes and criticises are the great increase in the number of students at the universities, and the extension of the elective system. Regarding these he speaks with force and candor. With these three addresses are included several shorter papers which are the fruit of Mr. Adams's long identification with the interests of Harvard, as student, alumnus and overseer, extending over a period of more than fifty years. Houghton. Mifflin & Co.
No. 3279 May 11, 1907.
CONTENTS. 1. Some Reflections on the Colonial Conference. By Viscount
Milner, G.C.B. . . . . . NATIONAL REVIEW 323 11. Leisurely America. By H. W. Horwill . MONTHLY REVIEW 333 III. The Enemy's Camp. Chapters VIII, and IX. (To be continued).
MACMILLAN'S MAGAZINE 341 IV. A Plea for the Popular in Literature. By J. A. Spender . .
NINETEENTH CENTURY AND AFTER 348 v. The Modern Attitude Towards Belief in a Future Life. By
Samuel McComb, M.A., D.D. LONDON QUARTERLY REVIEW 358 VI. The Peacemakers. By Captain Frank 1. Shaw, F.R.A.8. . .
CHAMBERS'S JOURNAL 368 vni. The Montagnini Disclosures . . . . . . SPECTATOR 375 VIII. The Kindling of the Flame . . . . . . . NATION 378 IX. The Parish Clerk
. . . ACADEMY 381
A PAGE OF VERSE
PALL MALL MAGAZINE 322 XI. Spring in the Dale, By Augusta Hancock . .
322 XII. The Hammers. By Ralph Hodgson . . . XIII. The Calm. By George Ives . . . . SATURDAY REVIEW 322
BOOKS AND AUTHORS . . . . . . . . . 383
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SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE COLONIAL CONFERENCE.
The close approach of what we are still unfortunately compelled to call the “Colonial” Conference is occupying the thoughts and pens of political writers of every shade of opinion. And certainly the subject is sufficiently important and many-sided to afford imaterial for them all. In these
notes I shall make no attempt to cover
the whole ground, or to deal with the more picturesque and personal aspects of the Conference. I approach the subject frankly from the standpoint of an Imperialist whose interest is centred in the question how far, if at all, the Conference is going to promote the organic unity of the self-governing States of the Empire. And in that connection—and this, rather than guesses or prophecies, is my principal object—I may attempt briefly to restate the position which we Imperialists of the new school hold to-day, and to clear away Some of the misunderstandings which exist with regard to it. There can be no doubt that the Conference will be the occasion of a very remarkable display, of friendly feeling. As far as mere hospitality goes, nothing will be left undone to make the gathering a complete success. Indeed, the very warmth of the reception Which Will be accorded to its members, the number of “functions” they will have to attend, of patriotic speeches they will have to listen and respond to, may materially enhance the difficulties, in any case great, which stand in the way of their arriving at any positive results in the serious business before them. One of the chief of these difficulties is the want of time. Three weeks in every four years is not nearly time enough to devote to the solution of the gravest
political problem which confronts not only the United Kingdom, but all the members of the Imperial family. That is one of the reasons which make it so essential that the Conference should on this occasion, before it breaks up, create some permanent machinery for carrying on its work in the long intervals between its brief and widely separated sessions. I have spoken of organic unity as the object to be arrived at. Let me define that object more precisely—indeed, with the utmost precision of which the circumstances permit. Some Imperialists, even of the most thoroughgoing type, are, on grounds of policy, averse to giving too definite a shape to their aspirations. They adopt deliberately a certain diplomatic nebulousness. Personally I question the wisdom of this policy. No doubt it is impossible at this stage to frame a cut-and-dried scheme of Imperial union. But it is one thing to have an open mind about methods, quite another to be, or to appear, vague and hesitating about the end we wish to attain. In order to convince, to win adherents, to create such a body of public opinion as can alone give the necessary impetus to any great enterprise of constructive statesmanship, we must be clear, and must be seen to be clear, with regard to our ultimate object. That is quite consistent with flexibility—and flexibility in this sense is essential—in the choice of means; with a readiness to take what we can get at any given moment, although it may fall far short of what we think desirable or even ultimately necessary. I fancy that the most fervent Imperialist will be well satisfied if he gets even a small instalment of what he desires from the present Conference, always provided that he is able to regard it as an instalment, a first step, though perhaps but a short one, on the road to his goal. What is the goal? What is it that we, who call ourselves Imperialists, really have in our minds when we talk of “the consolidation of the Empire," of “Imperial unity,” and so forth? It is, I take it, nothing less than this: that the several States of the Empire,
however independent in their local af. .
fairs, however dissimilar in some of their institutions, should yet constitute, for certain purposes, one body politic; that, in their relations to the rest of the world, they should appear. and be, a single Power, speaking with one voice, acting and ranking as one great unit in the society of States. I know that there are some, even among those fervently desiring the maximum of common action, who think that this ideal is no longer attainable. The great self-governing Colonies, they say, are already separate nations. The most we can hope for is that they and the Mother Country should remain permanently allied nations. With all due respect, I differ from this view. The idea of alliance is not adequate. It is not really at all appropriate to the circumstances of the case. An alliance is the voluntary combination of wholly distinct and separate States, Of communities which, but for such vol. untary agreement, would be mutually foreign to one another. That certainly is not the relation of the several States of the Empire to one another to-day, nor need it ever become their relation, however great their individual growth and development. For, in the first place, they are all subject to one Sovereign. That no doubt is not in itself conclusive. Over and over again in history, wholly separate States—Austria and Spain under Charles V., Great Britain and Hanover
from 1714 to 1837, &c. &c.—have owed allegiance to the same Sovereign. IBut what at once differentiates the relation of the States of the Empire to one another from that of even the most closely allied independent States is the fact that every man of European race who is born under the British flag is entitled ipso facto to full citizen rights in every State of the Empire. This is wholly inconsistent with political separateness, and it is an element of the case which is of vast importance. True it is, and we ought to rejoice at the fact, that the great Colonies have attained, or are fast attaining, the proportions and dignity of nations, and that they have, as nations, a growing sense of individuality, a character, a pride, and a tradition of their own. But nationhood does not necessarily involve a wholly separate and selfcontained existence. There may be, there are, cases in which several nations form a single State, or a Stategroup, possessing political unity. To take only one instance which is quite close to hand, the Scotch are surely entitled to be regarded as a nation. Yet they are politically merged with the English, and merged to a degree which no one contemplates in the case of the Canadians or Australians. And if distinct nations can and do constantly form a single body politic, is there any case in which such union is more easy, more natural, and more likely to prove enduring than where the united peoples, however various their growth, have still for the most part sprung from a common stock, and possess for the most part a common language and a vast common stock of moral, political, and social ideas? It is indeed difficult to classify what, for want of a better term, we call the British Empire. It fits into no recognized category, and cannot be accurately described by means of our ex