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Clara E. Laugblin's new novel with a certain popular actress, as well as to point out the resemblance between the "prince of vagabond players" to whom the gifted child owes her career and a favorite comedian. Portraits or fancy pictures. Miss Laughlin has drawn them with a clever pencil. Stage experiences, types, ambitions and romances furnish a lavish store of material, and the selection and combination has been admirably made. But the dominant interest is human, not professional, and Felicity herself and the man who catches her girlish fancy would be striking character studies in any setting. The story is clean, bright, and attractive, and is sure to be in demand for summer reading. Charles Scribner's Sous.

"John Glynn," the hero of Arthur Paterson's new novel, is a shrewd, sturdy young Englishman whose frontier experiences in the States have given him a training that stands him in good stead when he returns to take up philanthropic work in one of the worst districts in London. The energetic and strong-willed young woman who acts as secretary of the organization plays the part of heroine, and the villain is the outwardly-respectable landlord to whom the saloons and gambling dens of the quarter pay rent and toll. Prize-flghts, robberies, riots and attempted murders follow each other thick and fast through some three hundred and fifty closely-printed pages, but whether the writer's evident familiarity with the problems of applied philanthropy will suffice to make his story as acceptable to the social student as to the lover of sensational fiction is an' open question. Henry Holt & Co.

Mr. B. L. Putnam Weale's "The Truce in the East and its Aftermath" follows his "The Reshaping of the Far

East" none too soon for those who read the earlier work. Since its appearance, the Portsmouth treaty and the AngloJapanese alliance have changed the face of affairs, producing the condition significantly named the "truce," by Mr. Weale, and treated as such by the more astute nations. "Japan and the New Position," "China and the Chinese," "The Powers and their influence" are the three parts into which the book is divided, but to these are added some fifteen appendices containing treaties, trade statements, and miscellaneous matter of value in estimating the exact nature of the present situation. in the first division, three chapters, "The Japanese Government and the Japanese People," "Rail Power and the Japanese Front," and "Why Japan Made Peace" are of especial value. The two chapters called "China for the Chinese" are of the most consequence in the second (although it contains few words not truly golden.) in the third, "The United States and the New Responsibility" although brief, and so guarded that its manner might almost be called gingerly, gently states some noteworthy truths. May Jonathan, inasmuch as by way of placating his vanity the new American officials coming to the east are definitely praised, be persuaded to note and profit by these truths, and at least to keep his powder dry between peace conferences. The more widely Mr. Weale's book is read, the better both for the Mongolian and for the white man. The United States have not yet paid the full price for the sins of their slave-holding days, and still suffer for harboring the old error that all men who dwell on the face of the earth not only have equal rights to certain things but are equal and similar. Perhaps it would do no harm to consider the hypothesis that some of them are or may come to be superior to the white man. (The Macmillan Co.)

ToSSl xlKv?} No. 3281 May 25, 1907. {"ftSSSti,"

CONTENTS.
I. The Prospects of Constitutional Government in Russia.

QUABTKBLY Rev1kw 451

II. What it Feels Like to Be in Prison. By Sylvia Pankhurst

Pali. Mall Magazine 467

III. The Enemy's Camp. Chapters Xii and Xiil. (To be continued) .

Mac.mm.I.an's Magazine 472

IV. The Cure. Ry S. G. Tallentyre . Cornhill Magazine 476 V. Some Recent Developments in Plant-Growing. By G. Clarke

Jfuttall Fortnightly Review 483

VI. "I Cannot Love a Coward, By my Faith!" By F. G. Aflalo .

Chambers's Journal 491 VII. A Romance of 1821. Ry E. S. P. Haynes Albany Review 496

VIII. The Raven at Home, liy John Walpole-Rtmd

Gentleman's Magazine 499 IX. Commerce in War and the Hague Conference. By Sir John

Macdonnell Nation 501

X. The Poet of " Les Habitants" Spectator 504

XI. The Winter Sleep of Animals Outlook 606

XII. Letters Without Answers Punch 609

A PAQE OF VERSE

XIII. A Song of Spring. By R. E. Black 460

XIV. The Golden Book of Marcus Aurelius. Ry Reginald Haines

Spectator 460

XV. Fear. By 81. John Lucat Academy 460

XVI. At Dawn. By J. Travers 450

BOOKS AND AUTHORS 510

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TERMS OF SUBSCRiPTiON.

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A SONG OF SPRING They show us how the wise man stands

There's never a Queen hath treasures stands

ao nne Above the loud world's stress and

As these of mine, strife,

Where the blue sea stretches as far And holds in his own ample bands away The master keys of fate and life.

As ever my roving glance can stray,
And the gallant ships ride up in the O soldier, statesman, stoic, king.

The flower and crown of heathenesse.
From thy deep thoughts what echoes
ring
Of solace, strength, and saintliness

For us, who follow that high code

Which thou in ignorance didst bail.
Thou, from whose lips true -wisdom
flowed.
As from thy life pure love to mini'.
Reginald ff«in<».

The Spectator.

bay
On the strong toss of the brine.

There's never a Princess hath treasure
in store
Of gold galore
Like this, where the falling gorse

flowers sweet
Spread over my head and under my

feet
Till the narrowing sides of the path
way meet
In a beautiful golden floor.

There's never a maid hath lover can
please
Like the whisp'riug breeze,
With his tales of the cloudy racing

heights
Where the stars watch over his

course o' nights, Or his echoes of lowlier cottage lights With their human harmonies.

It. H. Muck.

FEAK.

THE GOLDEN BOOK OF MARCUS
AURELIUS.

Marcus, since thou didst live thy day,
The world has aged milleuial years.

But still thy golden book can say
Its message to our listening ears.

Writ in thy tent before the foe—
Those Marchnien from whose loins
we spring-
Its pages catch the watch-tire's glow,
With tramp of armed men they ring.

They tell us each man's life on earth,
Whether he be a king or slave,

Is but a warfare from his birth
Down to the silence of the grave.

They teach us how to see and hate
The faults that we aloue can ken,

And in kind ruth extenuate
The fallings of our fellow men.

When the summer twilight closes
O'er the river, round the roses;
When the panes that glowed.
Darken, each a bumt-out ember:
This our sinking hearts remember.
And forebode:

Some wild autumu sunset burning
O'er the wanderer returning.
Eager-eyed—to find
Only faded roses, only
Vacant windows, and the lonely
Moaning wind.

St. John Liiiiik.

The Academy.

AT DAWN.

Golden is the morning!

Birds welcome the dawning of an-
other day.
All the world is gladness.
Not a trace of sadness,

Night hath passed away:

How the woods are ringing:
All nature is singing with a joyous
mirth.
Clear the sky above us—
Father. Thou must love us.
To give us such an Earth:

J. Trarrr*.

THE PROSPECTS OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT

IN RUSSIA.

That there is uo salvation for Russia without a democratic rarlianient and n Cabinet responsible to the people's representatives, and that a governing Duma will right the nation's wrongs and inaugurate an era of material prosperity, is an axiom accepted by almost every newspaper-reader on the globe. Everybody thinks himself familiar with the Ills that infect the bodypolitic of Russia; and everybody is therefore curious to see whether the infallible remedy, which Is so simple and obvious, will be applied in time to ward off the catastrophe. Yet Russians themselves behave as though they had no knowledge of this panacea or lacked faith in its efficacy. Some of them are clamoring for a republic; others demand a socialist State; many are working for anarchy; while a large number yearn for the old regime and the good things that came in its train. Last summer few Russians put any trust In M. Stolypln's promise that a second Duma would assemble on the 5th March, and that a series of Reform Bills would be laid before it. The elaborate preparations made for the meeting of the second Parliament were set down as a hollow mockery; and the present Prime Minister was dubbed a mealy-mouthed shuffler. This theory was disseminated with such perseverance and supported by means of such plausible fiction that only critical minds could shake it off. Before the elections were over, however, it became evident, even to the simpleminded, that the Tsar's Ministers were playing fair. Had they, then, been calumniated by the patriots? By no means. Tbe righteously Indignant Journalists informed their readers that certain foreign States, France in par

ticular, had' made it clear to the Stolypin Cabinet that, if the Duma were dissolved, Russia's financial condition would become unbearable. The Tsar's Government had been frightened into fair play. And now the Russian public, knowing its catechism by heart, is aware that the second Duma would have already fallen a victim to an infamous Government had it not been for the enlightened sympathy and timely support of republican France. That being the current theory in Russia, is it to be wondered at that the general public in Central and Western Europe still shrugs its shoulders scornfully at the mention of M. Stolyplu and his colleagues, to whose tender mercies the Tsar has delivered over his people?

Every competent observer approaching the subject in a fair spirit will probably see that, however estimable the personal character and however statesmanlike the political designs of M. Stolypiu were, he gave his enemies a convenient handle against the Government and a strong argument against ihe regime by adopting a plan of campaign with two fronts. This may have been a necessity, in which case it is his misfortune, not his fault. Against the reactionaries he was leagued with the Liberals; against the revolutionists he relied upon the army: and, like all persons who have to struggle against two opposing tendencies, he went too far now In this direction now in that. Thus, during the period which began with the dissolution of the first Duma last summer and ended with the opening session of the present Parliament in March, his line of action, as marked by repressive measures, and his Hue of thought, as indicated by liberal promises, far from running parallel, were at right angles to each other. His utterances were uniformly conciliatory and his acts were nearly always provocative. The promises he made were constitutional and reassuring, and the circulars he issued were arbitrary and irritating. He undertook to let the population choose its own representatives freely, but his subsequent action justified the assumption that his definition of freedom was inadequate; for he disqualified as candidates 180 of the obnoxious deputies of the first Parliament, and he disfranchised as voters many categories of peasants and laboring men whose sympathies were revolutionary. Yet he went about the uncongenial task in a clumsy, ineffectual way. drawing a sharp line at downright illegality.

iu this work of weeding out . Russian bureaucrats are inexperienced. To "fudge the ballot-box" is an electoral manoeuvre the intricacies of which they have yet to learn. Hence the means taken by M. Stolypin to compass his end were petty, circuitous, unavailing. He eliminated really good men whose presence would have been helpful to the cause of law and order, such men as Prof. Kovaleffsky, who was excluded on a technical issue: nnd he opened wide the Duma portals to professional revolutionists. Members of secret and public organizations, who scoff at the milk-and-water methods of a legislative Chamber and believe in blood and fire as means of regenerating the nation, were elected to the Duma and welcomed by the people. Then the Premier arbitrarily divided the political parties into legal and illegal, the former being privileged because they were expected to vote with Hie (Jovernment. and the latter unprivileged because they were not. Civil servants were forbidden to belong to the illegal parties, although, the ballot being secret, they could not be kept from voting for them. N'ow it may

be that those were all measures which the Cabinet had a formal right to adopt; but they certainly did not favor the theory of free elections, and, what is more to the point, while discrediting the Oovernment and embittering the people, they defeated the object for which they were taken.

Nor was this all. M. Stolypin, or his coadjutor. M. Kryshanoffsky, went much further. Recognizing the fact that the electoral law was a two-edged sword, they naturally sought to clutch the handle which their enemies were holding. Some officials were for repealing the statute and drawing up another on narrower lines; for the Act had originally been framed with a view to giving the peasantry a decisive part in the elections, on the assumption that the tillers of the soil must necessarily be the staunchest supporters of the altar and the throne. in the meantime, however, that belief had been exploded. The mooshHis in the first Duma had proved as revolutionary as any other element except the workmen; and now the authorities would have been delighted to undo what it had done for them—to disfranchise several categories of voters, deprive the peasantry of a part of their influence. and invest the landed proprietors with a larger share. But . unluckily, their hands were tied; the electoral law cannot be modified without the consent of the Duma. This barrier, although raised with the sanction of the Tsar, the bureaucrats would have cleared at a bound. But their intention remained a pious desire owing mainly to the steady refusal of the Premier to break the bounds of legality, which he considered it his duty to respect: and between violating that guarantee and executing it there seemed no third course, for. conformably with the solemn promise given by the Tsar, neither that particular statute nor any of the fundamental laws may be modified without the Du

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