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8""« ATM"} No. 3274 April 6, 1907. |fm»bmi"'"1

CONTENTS.
1. The New Situation In Germany. By Karl Blind ....

Nineteenth Century And After 3 II. The Enemy's Camp. Chapter I. (To be continued) ....

Maomillan's Magazine 14

III. The Longfellow Centenary . . Blackwood's Magazine 19

IV. Higher Criticism and the Koran. By T. H. Weir

Contemporary Review 24 V. The Background of Drama. By E. A. Baughan

Nineteenth Century And After 32

VI. The Billingsley Rose. By J. H. Toxall,M.P. Cornhill Magazine 39

VII. Mate In Two Moves. By Charles Oliver Blackwood's Magazine 47

VIII. The Second Duma Nation 56

IX. Old-Fashioned Flowers Saturday Review 59

A PAO.E OF VERSE

X. The Weaponed Man. By Cymric ap Einion Spectator 2

XI. The Gipsy's Song. By Isabel Clarke .... Outlook 2

XII. Malaga. By V. Eustace. 2

BOOKS AND AUTHORS 62

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THE WEAPONED MAN.

["The freeman . . . was the 'weaponed man,' who alone bore sword and shield"—Green's History.]

When oak woods grew where barley

waves And bare downs faced the sky, Untrodden save by winter wolves, Where now great cities lie, The fathers of our Saxon folk (Sires of our blood and bone) Set up their thorpes and homesteads, Self-centred and alone.

They were not over-masterful

Nor braggart in their pride,

But the freeman's badge was the spear

in hand
And the war-sword at his side;
And when the arrow-splinter came
To muster great and small,
The man who stood unarmed that day
Was weakling, priest, or thrall.

When we waged the War of a Hun-
dred Years
Or marched to Flodden fray,
Small need was there for time or toil
To marshal our array.
Each yeoman's chimney held Its bow,
Each manor, jack and spear,
And every churl could handle steel
To guard his goods and gear.

Now cities gather them goods and gold

With ships on every sea,

And the Guilds of Craft wax fat and

proud And every hind is free; And no man bears a weaponed belt Save he whose trade is war, Yet—weaponless men are thralls at

heart As it was in the days of yore.

Cymric ap Eininn. The Spectater.

THE GIPSY'S SONG.

Beloved, I may not call you back,
But all the birds ire calling you—

The plovers from the fresh-ploughed
track,
The lark from yonder web of blue.

Oh, heart of mine—I see from here Through wide fields filled with slender wheat,

The little path you trod last year
Beside me with such weary feet!

The road is sweet with scented may,
The pale wild roses are in bloom,

The long track of the western way Shows white across the wold's gray gloom.

Though all things strive to prison you, And hold you to my heart in vain—

The fields you may not wander
through,
The silver lances of the rain;

Yet always in my forth-faring
I gladden that your lamp is lit.

And that for you earth's prisoning
Is past with all the pain of it.

Isabel Clarke.

The Outlook.

MALAGA.

Out between the sea and city the white dust Is flying, Down In the dusty garden great roses blow, Dust on every tawny hillside where the wind is sighing, And deep in every rutty path where the mules and bullocks go.

For the dust of Moor and Roman and of empires older, All dead pride and glory of the stormy ancient days, Lies along each street and valley, blows from hill and boulder, Wraps the sunset city in a dusky golden haze.

Spain that once was famed and splendid, fame all turned to powder. Dried and dead her greatness like the brick-burnt hill, Where the burning sunsets fade away while winds grow louder Under this translucent sky blowing as they will.

V. Eustace.

THE NEW SITUATION IN GERMANY.

One of the results of the elections for the Reichstag, as regards the question of the defensive power of the country, which has led to the last dissolution, is, shortly speaking, this. Government will be able to count, in matters of reasonable Army and Navy strength, and its colonial policy connected therewith, on a probable majority of forty or so, as against any possible renewed combination between the priestly, Ultramontane party called the "Centre," and the now greatly diminished party of Social Democrats who on principle refuse granting all such supplies. This is one point of the new situation.

The other point is that, during thi' manifestations of the electioneering campaign, a public spirit, at once patriotic and Liberal, in the sense of claiming greater parliamentary privilege, has shown itself, with which the imperial Crown will have to reckon henceforth. it is the spirit that marked the years shortly before 1848. Because unsatisfied then by timely concession, it led finally to sanguinary street battles, when crowned heads were deeply humiliated—so much so that Frederick William the Fourth of Prussia afterwards said: "in those days we all lay flat on our bellies."

When the last Reichstag was dissolved on account of what has been called the "Unholy Alliance" between the Papist party and the Socialists, who would leave the struggling troops in South Africa in the lurch, the Kaiser and the Chancellor evidently hoped that it would be possible to lay a strong breach into the "Tower of the Centre," as that party boastfully calls itself. A noteworthy diminution of the forces of Social Democracy, Government scarcely expected or hoped for.

Matters, however, have practically turned out just the other way. Personally, i may be allowed to mention, i have not been astonished by this issue. To a considerable extent i predicted it in what i had written before. Whilst uttering the parole: "Down with the priestling Centre! and up with the Rights of the People!" i was quite aware of the difficulties standing in the way of overcoming the Centre. At the same time i said that there was the greatest likelihood of the Social Democratic party losing very many seats, if the so-called "Mltliiufer" were for once to turn away from it, and if the mass of the laggards, who hitherto have never used their vote, could be made to enter into the fray.

This forecast has proved to be correct. "Mitliiufer"—men who merely run for a time with a party without sharing all its doctrines—those are called who at the previous election had gradually swelled the number of the Socialist vote to so vast an extent. At one time the chief Socialist leader himself avowed that the majority of those voters for his party were merely "'Mitliiufer"; their object mainly was, to make things hot for Government from various motives of political and social dissatisfaction, as well as from a Democratic wish of giving a needed lesson to "personal Government." Among these men. it is well known, there are even a considerable number of minor Government officials who have a grudge against their superiors, or who detest the present system.

The Socialists in Parliament, barring a few personal exceptions, have always refused to Government the means for military and naval armament. They do it. as already mentioned, contluually on principle. Their aspiratious are certainly of a Democratic character, and therefore they are naturally opposed to that personal government which prevailed under Bismarck, and which has been continued under the present Kaiser, who, as soon as ha came to the throne, wanted to be "his own Bismarck." Now, were there any possibility of replacing imperial rule by a Republican one, the tactics of the party in Parliament could be understood, if adopted on the eve of a likely final decision. But such a prospect does not exist. For twenty-five years their prominent speakers have ofle.i prophesied "a great Kladderadatsch," as a Socialist revolution was culled in common parlance. But nothing even distantly approaching to it has ever happened.

There was once a considerable chance of the Prussian House of Commons— before the constitution of the present Empire—coming into revolutionary conflict with the Crown. it was in the early days of Bismarck's and his King's "budgetless" government. The Liberal and Radical middle class, and many men of the working classes, were deeply moved against despotic kingship. But what happened? Lassalle, the professed Socialist leader, entered into underhand intrigues with Bismarck, promising to rouse the masses against the burgher party, so as to get the latter between two fires. The royal army in front, a demagog cally misled populace in the rear, of the champions of parliamentary privilege were to play the monarchii a) game!

i can give here some proofs from personal knowledge. in order to fortify himself with the working class it) Germany. Lassalle wrote to Louis Blanc, then an exile in London, in a general Socialistic way, for the object of getting from him a kind of testimonial for sincere doctrinal comradeship.

Knowing well how matters stood, i warned my French friend who had shown me the letter. Meanwhile Lassalle, in a speech, came out with a declaration that the House of Hoheuzollern, "as the representative of true popular kingship (Tolks-KoiHgthum), must, with a firm grip of the hand on the sword, drive the middle class fiom the stage, with a proclamation of manhood suffrage!"

it is too well known how that Constitutional struggle ended with the triumph of Bismarck and his master who. in 1849, after being victorious in the battles against the popular armies that fought in Rhenish Bavaria and Baden for German freedom and union, bad court-martialled a number of his prisoners during a three months' reign of terror. As to Prussian affairs in the 'sixties, universal suffrage was not proclaimed in the least. The Prussian House of Commons remains until today constituted in the same way as before.

Louis Blanc afterwards thanked me heartily for having prevented him from falling into a trap. Later on, Lassalle was shot in a duel. The conflict arose with a Rumanian rival for the hand of a young German lady of aristocratic connection, whom Lassalle wanted to marry in order to give himself a higher social standing, but who had already been very much cooled by his semidiplomatic behavior. in this affair General Klapka. the heroic defender of Komorn during the Hungarian war of independence, played a part as a friend of Lassalle. Klapka, who was also a friend of mine, later on told me that the Countess Hatzfeld (the well-known protectress of Lassalle) had said to him: "if Lassalle had lived six months longer, he would have entered the service of the Prussian Government!"

Yet Lassalle's portrait still figures at Social Democratic party meetings! i refer to these facts to show how a popular party, in an epoch of great crisis, can be misled by a self-seeking character. Social Democrats in Germany might learn something from this authenticated occurrence.

II.

Perhaps I may be allowed to add here that the very name of Social Democrat, with the addition of Republican, dates by no means from recent times, as is often erroneously assumed, but from 1848. It was used then in France, and in Germany as well. When we were near having our bodies stretched on the sand-heap by courtmartial bullets, or our heads severed by the executioner's sword, we did not shrink from using the word. The largest possible social reforms were our confessed aim. Not only the fullest unity and freedom, but also the security of our Fatherland, were dear to us. Many held the same doctrines as are preached now; but the large majority even of these felt that It Is useless to try forcing a people into what It regards as an impossible Utopia.

Whatever far-reaching system of s> c-lal transformation men may aspire to, no one with any experience of human nature can doubt that the masses themselves, in spite of all the sufferings of which they have a right to complain, are not prepared to accept a downright Communistic organization of society. In their wretched condition they may eagerly listen to a glowing description of a Golden Age; but they will not, when things come to the point, give up a certain degree of individual freedom. The sensible social reformer has to heed that which has become ingrained in human character during thousands of years. He must show that he is willing and able to work for the practical relief of misery, or else he will suddenly be left alone with his most splendid philosophical pro

grammes of political economy. He must be ready also to take proper care of that first requisite in a nation's life: its security against manifest danger from abroad.

Germany, especially, has good reason not to neglect that latter consideration. She is geographically placed so that she may be attacked from four quarters, on land and on sea. The Thirty Years' War, the Seven Years' War, and the Napoleonic wars have been a severe lesson to her. They sometimes brought her to the verge of annihilation. Surely it speaks much for the prevalence of a spirit of dissatisfaction with home government that, nevertheless, millions of votes, even if only cast in great part by "Mitlaufer," are still cast now in Germany for the Social Democratic party. That should be a lesson to Government.

But there is a point at which a lesson also is given to Social Democracy itself. And this lesson has just now been read to it by the loss of so many seats in a number of important towns, which pre-eminently count in politics when large issues are decided.

It is no use saying that, after all, the aggregate Socialist vote has not been diminished, but slightly even increased. Here it must not bo forgotten that, proportionally speaking, that increase, as compared with that of the other parties, is exceedingly small; for It has to be remembered that, owing to the rapid growth of the population, as well as to the participation of millions who until now had not voted at all, there has been a vastly larger number of men who exercised the suffrage In 1907 than there were in 1903.

Socialist writers and speakers themselves acknowledge now that they have lost many of their former ''Mitlaufor," In whom suddenly a patriotic sentiment was awakened when they saw the Pope's band joining the party with which they had allied themselves. The

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