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8';r. x8xxvf} No. 3282 June 1, 1907. {^■'ggSig"

I. Will the British Empire Stand or Fall? By J. Ellis Barker .

Nineteenth Century And After 515 II. Euripides and his Modern Interpreters. By E. D. A. Morshead .

Church Quarterly Review 524

III. The Enemy's Camp. Chapters XIV and XV. (To be continued) .

Mao.mii.Lan's Magazine 532

IV. Berthelot. By Emily Crawford Contemporary Review 541 V. Boys and Birds. By Horace Hutchinson . Cornhill Magazine 549

VI. Njati. (The Lone Buffalo.) By Kusiali . Maomillan's Magazine 553

VII. JTr. Raleigh's Shakespeare Times 560

VIII. The Soul of the Black Nation 504

IX. Wild Flower Gardens Spectator 567

X. The Enigma of Life. ByJ.A.T. Nature 570

XI. Life's Little Difficulties. The Shade of Blue . . Punch 573


XII. The Hill of Pines. By Louis V. Ledoux 514

XIII. Fifty Years On. By ft. C. Lehmann Punch 514

XIV. To a Mother. By Q Spectator 514


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Stretched out beneath a mountain-pine, I watch the mottled woods below;

The distant hills their clear-cut line Through soft October sunlight show.

A busy sparrow hurries by,

And now a hawk above me veers-
Gray wings against an azure sky;—
A droning bee about me steers.

This nodding little bluebell seems
A vagrant bit of Heaven furled;

The nestling lake like diamond gleams,
Its sapphire calm In ripples curled.

I see the light on hill and plain,
I see the sky's resplendent blue,

But all my thought turns back again
To other days fulfilled with you.

You shared my love of flower and field;

Your comradeship to Nature brought A deeper joy than she can yield

To me bereft of answering thought.

About the hills a memory clings.
It haunts the forest's rustling ways.—

The doubled pleasure sharing brings,
I miss these clear October days.
Louis Y. Ledoux.

Your figure will be ampler, and, like a

buzzing hive, Your boys and girls will tease you

when you are fifty-five.

'Your hair will not be brown, dear;

you'll wear a decent cap; Maybe you'll have a grandchild a-crow

ing on your lap; And through the winter evenings the

easiest of chairs Will give you greater comfort than

romping on the stairs.

"And sometimes too, I fancy, when all

the world is snow, You'll smile as you remember the days

of long ago; And every now and then, dear, you'll

spare a thought for me, When Helen's fifty-seven and baby's


B. G. Lehmann.



"When you have turned a hundred and I am fifty-five"—

So spoke without a warning the plumpest girl alive—

"I wonder, oh I wonder how both of us will be,

With Helen fifty-seven and baby fiftythree."

The sum was done precisely; each item was correct;

The grisly shade of Cocker had nothing to object;

And yet I could not praise her, or sanction a display

Which tossed about the fifties in this collected way.

But still the maiden pressed me, and

so I made reply, "I'll tell you what I think, dear, about

your by-and-by;



A thousand songs I might have made

Of You, and only You; A thousand thousand tongues of fire, That trembled down a golden wire To lamp the night with stars, to braid

The morning bough with dew.

Within the greenwood girl and boy

Had loitered to their lure. And men in cities closed their books To dream of Spring and running brooks And all that ever was of joy

For manhood to abjure.

And I'd have made them strong, so strong,

Outlasting towers and towns. The naked shepherd 'neath his thorn Had piped them to a world re-born. And danced Delight the dales along

And up the daisied downs.

A thousand songs I might have made: But you required them not;

Content to reign your little while

And, abdicating with a smile.

To pass into a private shade.
Immortal, and forgot!

<?• The Spectator.


Three centuries ago Euglaud was a backward and ignorant agricultural country, without enterprise, without trade, without wealth, without colonies. But England, though poor, was ambitious. Her leading men wished her to become a World-Power. Sir Walter Raleigh wrote: "Whosoever commands the sea commands the trade; whosoever commands the trade commands the riches of the world, and consequently the world itself," and Lord Bacon declared "The rule of the sea is the epitome of monarchy," and advised this country to conquer the wealth and the colonies of Spain because Spain's power was no longer sufficient to defend her vast and wealthy possessions. Following the advice of her greatest statesmen, England made war upon Spain, not for political or religious reasons but because Spain owned the wealth of the New World. Spain declined and Holland became by war and by work heir to the larger part of Spain's wealth. Then England transferred her hostility from Spain to Holland. Attacked by England, who was later on joined by France, the Netherlands declined, England and France fell to fighting over the great Dutch Inheritance, and war had to decide whether the New World was to become French or English. Thus by three centuries of war, firstly against Spain, then against Holland, and lastly against France, was the British Empire won, and the struggle for empire ended only in 1810 when at last Great Britain had vanquished all her European rivals. British colonial and commercial supremacy is barely a century old.

The rise of the British World-Empire has been similar to that of all other States and Empires, ami only

those who are ignorant of history and of the great physiological and historical laws which rule the world can condemn the triumphant progress of the Anglo-Saxon race. This world is not a world of ease and peace, but a world of strife and war. Nature is ruled by the law of the struggle for existence and of the survival of the fittest and the strongest. States, like trees and animals, are engaged in a never-ending struggle for room, food, light, and air, and that struggle is a blessing In disguise, for it is the cause of all progress. Had it not been for that struggle, the world would still be a wilderness inhabited by its aboriginal savages.

The abolition of war would be a misfortune to mankind. It would lead not to the survival of the fittest and strongest, but to the survival of the sluggard and the unfit, and therefore to the degeneration of the human race. However, there Is no likelihood that universal peace will be established. As long as human nature remains what it is, as long as self-interest, not benevolence, is the predominant motive in men and In States, those nations which are ambitious and strong will seize the possessions of those which are rich and weak. Thus Nature constantly rejuvenates the world and compels States to increase in civilization and strength by the same means by which she compels individuals to cultivate both mind and body, and those States which disregard the supreme law of Nature and of history disappear.

All States and Empires are founded upon power. By the exercise of power families have grown into tribes, tribes into States, and States into empires. The word "Power" happily expresses the essence of the State, for the State is not only founded upon power but is power. Power is the only valid title by which a nation holds its possessions, and only by power can it retain them. That is the law of Nature and the law of history. The fate of nations depends therefore chiefly on their strength and on their fitness for facing the universal struggle for existence, and wars will hardly be abolished by international agreement unless the universal law of the struggle for existence and the survival of the fittest and strongest be previously abrogated. it is true that the prophet tells us "They shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more"; but he shrewdly adds that that happy event will come to pass only "in the last days," and these are not yet.

in Lord Bacon's words, "For Empire and greatness it imported: most that a nation do profess arms as their principal honor, study, and occupation." The great commercial world-empires of the past from Phoenicia to the Dutch world-empire have been conquered and have declined and decayed because they neglected cultivating their strength and providing in time for their defence. May not the loosely jointed and ill-organized British Empire have a fate similar to that of its great predecessors, and may we not, if we recognize that possibility in time, take in time the necessary steps to guard ourselves against such a calamity?

The maintenance of naval supremacy is an absolute necessity for the defence of the British Empire, for it can hardly be doubted that the disappearance of our naval supremacy would inevitably, and very speedily, be followed by the peaceful dissolution or by the violent break-up of the Empire. As

soon as the connection between the various parts of the Empire can be severed at will by a Power supreme on the sea, the British Empire exists only by permission of that Power. interimperial trade in peace would be at the mercy of that nation which rules the sea, and which conceivably might interfere with the free flow of inter-irnperial trade with the object of benefiting its own citizens. A State supreme on the sea might, therefore, drain the British Empire of its wealth by navigation laws and wanton fiscal interference against which diplomatic protests might prove unavailing. if the British Empire should be engaged in war with a third Power, concerted action and mutual assistance would become impossible for the members of the Empire except by the permission of the supreme naval Power, and our possessions would inevitably, one by one, fall to the nation supreme on the sea, which alone would be able, economically and militarily, to protect them, and which would be able to acquire them at its leisure either by war or by economic or diplomatic pressure. With the disappearance of British naval supremacy the British Empire would exist merely on sufferance, and Great Britain could keep only that portion of her oversea trade and those of her colonies which the supreme naval Power would allow her to retain. Like Spain and Portugal. Great Britain would be deprived of her most valuable possessions and be left only with those which would not be worth the taking. Therefore the end of British naval supremacy would certainly mean the end of the British Empire. Hence the most important question arises, Will Great Britain be able to continue maintaining her naval supremacy?

Our naval policy is at present based upon the two-Power standard. Great Britain endeavors to maintain a fleet equal in strength to the combined strength of the fleets possessed by the two second strongest naval Powers, rightly considering that these might possibly ally themselves against her. Up to a few years ago France and Russia, whose policy then was hostile to this country, were the two second strongest naval Powers. Lately the danger of a Franco-Russian attack on this country has diminished, but at the same time the United States and Germany have come forward and have become competitors with this country for naval supremacy.

Two questions ought now to be considered: (1) Ought Great Britain to maintain a fleet strong enough to meet the combined fleets of the United States and Germany? (2) is Great Britain able to maintain the twoPower standard against the United States and Germany?

in order to solve these two questions we must first of all consider our relations with the United States and Germany and the probable development of these relations.

The United States and Germany were formerly Land Powers, one might almost say inland Powers. Their citizens were chiefly occupied in agriculture, and they exchanged their surplus of wheat, meat, timber, and other raw produce against British manufactures. in the course of the last two or three decades the policy of Protection has changed the economic aspect, and with the economic aspect the political character, of both these countries, nud has converted our best customers into our most active and most dangerous competitors. The United States and Germany not only supply their home markets with the productions of their flourishing industries, virtually excluding our manufactures, but not our raw products, from them, but they also export huge quantities of manufactured goods to all countries.

and they have deliberately embarked upon a policy of maritime expansiou and colonization with the object of securing the control of the raw materials used by their industries, and of obtaining an adequate outlet for their surplus manufactures. in France and Russia we used to have competitors who were actuated mainly by political ambition, by the desire of coloring the map. in the United States and Germany we have now competitors for colonies and empire who are actuated by a far more powerful and therefore far more dangerous motive—economic necessity.

Let us consider separately the relation of Great Britain and the British Empire with the United States and with Germany.'

Englishmen and Americans are of the same stock, and, from the sentimental point of view, they are friends, but economically, and therefore to some extent politically as well, they are rivals. During many years the United States have steadfastly and unflinchingly striven to become a great industrial nation, and they have succeeded, and now they are striving with the greatest energy and determination to become a great maritime and colonial nation as well. The largest portion of the American exports and imports is at present carried in British ships, but powerful interests in America are striving to eliminate the British middleman, and to transfer this profitable branch of our carrying trade to American hands by means of large subsidies paid under a Shipping Bill which has been discussed in Congress and the Senate, and which ought soon to become law. However, America means not only to reserve the American shipping trade to American citizens by protective measures similar in character and effect to those by which she has created her manufacturing industries and has reserved to her citizens her home market, but she also en

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