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tity of labour, industry, and capital, applied to some other manufacture, would produce more profit. England and Ireland ought to be considered in this respect as two diftinct parts of the same kingdom ; it would be unwise in London to attempt a manufacture which York could underfell her in by rol. per cent. in her own market : why then should England or Ireland attempt fuch a thing?'

With respect to the manner in which the intended regulations will affe&t Great Britain, this, our author observes, will be beít known from a consideration of the articles now pro. hibited; because, upon the extent of this list, and the nature of the fereral articles of which it confifts, depends entirely the effect of the proposed plan. He then enumerates the articles prohibited by law to be imported from Ireland ; and likewise the produce of manufactures of Ireland virtually prohibited by duties.

In the former of these clistes, the only article of any consequence is filk; in which, it is apprehended, England cannot be much in danger from the rivallhip of Ireland. One reason for such an opinion is, that the price of labour in this manufacture bears so small a proportion to the first cost of the raw niaterials, that whoever has the raw material cheapest, will have the advantage. England has a Levant trade, which Ireland has not, and has the monopoly of India filk, infomuch that Ireland now takes her raw silk entirely from Eng. land.

Another reason is, that in Ireland, the great bulk of the filk manufactured is made into plain flight goods, handkerchiefs, flks for cloaks, latettrings, &c. and in those kinds of goods, the labour bears a proportion of one in eight to the taw material : and in the finest kinds there made, such as dainaiks, flowered filk, &c three to eight. The author thence concludes, that the argument which is relied on in other cases, viz. the danger to England from the cheapness of labour in Ireland, will not hold good in the filk manufacture.

The principal article of those enumerated in the latter class is the woollen manufacture, the great object of jealoufy in this country. To enter into a full investigation of all that relates to this manufacture, might prove tedious to our readers. Suffice it therefore to observe that, according to the assertion of this author, the report of the committee of privy council, presented to the house of common's, contains a complete statement of it, so far as England is concerned ; and it thence appears, that this country has no reason to entertain any jealoufy of Ireland, in regard to the woollen manufacture.


In examining the itaţe of this manufacture in Ireland, it is observed, that for various caufes, but particularly the great increase of inhabitants, and improvement of the land, the quantity of wool in, that country is so much decreased, that Ireland has not now wool enough of her own to supply her own market. If therefore the should export any part of her wool, manufactured into such goods as she may be able to work up cheaper than England, the consequence must be, that, to supply their place, the most import an equal quantity of fine woollen goods, which she can import only from Great Britain.

From a ftatement of the quantity of raw wool exported from Ireland in the years 1782 and 1783, the author concludes, that if the whole of the raw wool and bay yarn ex. ported from Ireland, was manufactured into ultimate perfection, it would not supply the quantity imported ; so that if Ireland should export more of her wool, completely manufactured, 'than the does at present, the must also import a great quantity of woollen manufactures from England, to supply such export. The author makes it evident from other confiderations, that England has a great advantage over Ireland in respect to the capacity of supporting the woollen manufacture.

Refined sugar is another article in which it has been alleged that England mult suffer great detriment from the propoled regulations. To this objection we ineet with the following reply.

The raw material being the produce of the West Indies, obfervation has been already made on what occurred respecting it; it is necessary only to add, that while Ireland imported raw ngar at is. 80. a hundred, and England at 5s. 6d. The was able to Tupply a confiderable part of the consumption of Ireland in Tefined fugar, and to undersell her in her own market, after paying the expences of the carriage to reland, and a duty of 125. per hundred. How then is Ireland to lend refined sugar to England, when the pays à duty now equal to that paid in Eogland upon the raw material, and certainly buys it at as high, if not an higher price? The Irish duty, however, on that article, which will probably regulate the future duty here, must, in any event, afford sufficient protection to the refiners here, even against foreign lugars manufactured in the country.'

The author examines the objections which have been made relative to the cotton manufacture, including cotton, and linen mixed with cotton; the printing branch both of cotton and linens; the manufacturing of leather; starch ; tallow used in making candles and soap , besides iron, corn, and other grain.

From the whole of this pamphlet, fo full of important information, we have the satisfaction to find, that the most ef



sential objections which have been made to the proposed fyftem of commercial intercourse with Ireland, are greatly extenuated, if not entirely removed ; and that there is no just reason for entertaining any apprchenfion of those pernicious effects, which it has been suggeiicd would result from the operatio. of that plan.





A short Essay on the Modes of Defence befl adapted to the Situation

and Circumstances of this Ijland. Evo. Wilkie. HIS Essay is said to be the production of an officer :. it is

certainly written by a man cool and dispaffionate, candid and intelligent. His remarks seem well entitled to attention ; for to extensive knowlege in military history, he joins a local acquaintance with the places which he mentions, and great profetional fill. His chief objects are to prove, that the works now carrying on round our dock-yards, are at best useless, because disproportionate to the military establishment, and requiring a much greater force than can be allotted to the defence of garrisons: that they may be injurious, because, if not deft. wed, they may serve as a shelter for our enemies, hould they ever acquire poffeffion of them. The defence of the dock-yards he thinks to be a very tribing object. If ever our enemies mean seriously to undertake the conquest of this illand, for their own fakes they would wish to preserve them, as they might become their own. We have only therefore to guard agains a sudden desceni, a prædatory attempt, or a transitory expedition to destroy the naval stores. In these fituations, our autho thinks, that we might with greater ease deposit the com. bulible matters in store houses, either out of the reach of fheils, or proof against their force, and fink the others in the water. After all, by examining the plans, and those parts. which have been already executed, he cicarly shows, that the works are inadequate to the ends proposed ; and the expence will be so enormous, that the whole will be probably abandoned before it be half finished.

These are the outlines of the author's particular arguments; and the forlowing reasoning, which we select as a specimen, is a firong proof of the author's profeltonal knowlege, and the clearness of his explanations.

Those who are foolish enough to affert, that such an extensive line as the one proposed for the Gosport division, can be defended by an incomiderable force, would do well to pay

Some attention to the resemblance which the part of it that extends from the Bay-house to Frater Lake, bears to the one which was occupied at the battle of Fontenoy, by the French army under the command of mareschal Saxe, the ablelt general of the age he lived in. The angle formed by the village of that name, with Anthoin on the right, and the wood of Barry on the left, Siffers but little from the one which is formed by Rowner church with Frater Lake and Stoke's; and the distances between those capital points in their line fall short, respectively, of the fronts extending between these in ours, some hundred yards; a circumstance which was for them, and is against us. Saxe, however, although he had almost five times as many men within hes line as he that attacked it, although he had very judiciously thrown up three redoubts near Fonte. noy, the faliant and consequently tendereit part of it, found it impracticable to prevent our troops from penetrating it at that place, and almost completely cutting his army in two ; which we certainly hould have done, had he not fupplied the weaknefs and defeas of such a line, by his own good management and kill, in drawing his brigades from the left wing to tpport the centre. Nothing, on the one hand, is so dificult or di?advantageous, as to defend a faliant angle which is embraced, or, on the other, so easy and advantageous, as to attack from a re-entering angle which embraces. This is a doctrine well understood by those who have had much practice in the crolling of rivers. The reason indeed is plain. When the angle which an enemy embraces, does not exceed that of a hexagon, he can bring his fire to cross in the rear of, and almost close to the work that occupies it. And whenever he does so, he can proceed with his attacks on it successfully, and in security ; while it is imposible for any troops either to advance or remain neár it for its protection, otherwise than under cover, without exposing themselves to inevitable destruction.' An Anfwer to the Short E day on the Modes of Dec.66,'&'c. So,

Is. 6d. Almon, This Answer is greatly inferior to the Efray. It corrects in, deed a few mistakes, probably arising from milinformation ; but the principal arguments are not weakened. It is fill true, that these works are disproportioned to our military establishment; that in some instances they are inadequate, and in others may be injurious. The answerer must surely be little acquainted with military tactics, when he contends that sores cannot, in a short space of time, be placed beyond the power of bombs, or red-hot shot. Strictures upon the Naval Departments, &c. &c. &c. Svo. 25.

Stockdale, These Stri&tures are written by the author of the . Address to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty,' on the degeneQ 4


rated and dissatisfied face of the British Navy.” They contain much unqualified assertion, and some personal altercations with a noble lord, who, in the author's opinion, too rigidly confined himself to the letter of some naval regulations in his case, which he overlooked in his own. One circumltance only seems to deserve attention, viz, to examine the bottoms of chose ships which have some time been covered with copper; 'and this, if we mistake not, is now executing. We see many authors, like this before us, who mistake the effect of personal disappointments for public zeal. The new house building for the commillioner will probably be an expensive undertaking, which may be saved ; but true economy itoops not to trifles, and national splendor should not be facrificed to the mean, narrow views of a sanguine reformer. Thoughts on a Reform in the British Representation, &c. By Je

remial Gill. 8vo. 6d. Rivington. Amongst the various plans of reform which we have hitherto perused, that of Mr. Jeremiah Gill is certainly the boldeft and most original. For carrying a reform into effect, he proposes, as the only adequate means, that the crown should be inveited with a dictatorial power. Mr. Gill having, we find, published a pamphlet on the subject fo long ago as the year 1768, there cannot now, after such a continuance of crudity, remain any hope that his plan will ever be digefted, either by himself in one sense, or in another by the public. Convinced however that he means, well, we are sorry that he should have bestowed so much attention to no purpose. - Every Man his own Lau-maker. 810. Is. 6d. Stockdale.

This pamphlet is intended as a burlesque on the extravagant plans of parliamentary reform, which have been held forth by Some of those democratical politicians who imagine themselves to be the only friends of the conftitution. What the author says of his own production, in the title-page, is perfeály juft.

* Wherein the road to national Confusion is made plain and eafy to the meanest Capacities.' Thoughts on the Commercial arrangements wiib Ireland, &to.

15. 6d. Jarvis. The author of this pamphlet, after ftating the several propofitions, relative to a commercial intercourse, made to the İrinh house of commons, and fubjoining to each the fupposed remarks of the right hon. Mr. Orde, delivers his own obiervations. On this important subject we wish that the author had likewise minutely ftated the facts upon which his observations ought to be founded; for without this addition, it is Impoffible to determine with any degree of certainty, respecting the force of his arguments,

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