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within the reach of those enernies who had plotted his de-
struction, and retired to Sufa: he there discovered himfelf to
Xerxes, who, admiring his intrepidity, protected and favoured
him. The king hated the Grecians, and thought that The-
miftocles ought equally to hate them, in return for the in-
jories he had suffered : he therefore proposed to the exile an
expedition into Greece; but patriotism, in this instance, over-
came the defire of revenge, and he refused his affiftance.
Xerxes endeavoured to compel him; but Themiftocles deter-
mined to swallow poison, if he could not escape this odioos em-
ployment. At last, Xerxes, overcome by his enemy's forti-
tode and generosity, yielded; he not only excused Themistocles,
but swore to preserve a perpetual peace with Greece. The
play chiefly comprehends the transactions at the Persian court;
and, to fill the business of the scene, the daughter of The
miftocles is unexpectedly found a prisoner at Sufa. Xerxes'
love for Afpafia, her affection for Themistocles, the jealousy
of Roxana, betrothed to Xerxes, and the treason of Sebastes,
are subordinate events, which are well connected with the
principal story.
- This play has, in general, the faults and excellencies which
have been frequently observed in the works of Metastasio.
We need not now enquire into the existence of Xerxes, or
those immense armaments, which seem to have been only
found in the exaggerated relations of Greece. Whether it be
a real or a fi&titious character, it is supported with propriety
and consistency: eager, warm, and impetuous; but with
traces of better qualities, which, if matured by inftruction,
might have changed the jealous tyrant into a benevolent mo-
narch. Themiftocles also fervatur ad imum, qualis ab in-
cæpto proceflerit' His firmness and patriotism are the leading
qualities. He is not depressed by distress, nor elated by pro-
sperity; and his language in both situations preserves the fame
unvaried tenor. The accumulated misfortunes of the Gre-
cian hero have great force, when the idea is not weakened by
an useless word.

- io non son piu d'Atene
La speranza, e l'amor : mendico, ignoto,
Efule, abbandonato,
Ramingo, discacciato
Ogni cosa perdei : fola m'avanza

(E il miglior mi resto) la mia constanza.'
We shall subjoin the translation, which is unusually concise,
though by no means exact.

· I am no more the pride and hope of Athens:
While' all that fortune lent or heav’n bestow'd,

Wealth,

1

Wealth, pow'r, pre-eminence, fame, country, friends,
All's loft, and in the shipwreck of my fortunes

One only jewel have I fav’dmy honour.' We are surprised that, in this passage, and in two others, • conftanza' is translated 'honour': it evidently means

« for titude'; for honour has here no relation to his situation: in one place Mr. Hamilton has given the true meaning. The following lines are beautiful; but they have a very distant relation to the original:

• Is Xerxes then fo foon forgot in Athens,
His deadly hate, his enmity unceasing,
That to her vain and impotent decrees
She asks a monarch's ministry i-away!
The Greeks, too foon elate with victory,
Shall see the clouds disperse, that late obfcur'd
The Persian name, while Europe's fartheft fhores,
Drench'd with the blood of her expiring fons,
And vocal with their groans, to liit’ning Asia
Shall waft the echo of the loud atonement."

Ame che importa
Il riposo d'Atene? Eller degg'io
De voftri cenni esecutor ? Chi mai
Questo nuovo introdulle
Obbligo fra pemici? A dar venite
Leggi, o consigli? Io non mi fido a questi,
Quelle non soffro. Eh vi sollevi meno
L'aura d'una vittoria: è molto ancora
La Greca forte incerta;

L'ancor la via d'Atené a Serse aperta.' This passage is a happy instance of the abruptness which an unreasonable request occafions, and is equally suited to the character of Xerxes, and to the situation in which he is placed.

We have not extracted any particular passage, as a specimen of our translator's amplification; because it will be obvious in those produced for other purposes. But it is not enough to detect blemishes, we should also point out beauties; and in that light the following address of Neocles to his father The miftocles, will probably be considered, for trength of language, and choice of expression :

• Your name will long in after-ages live,
As fam'd for bold exploits, as fortitude
And patient suff'ring, under dreadful hardships;
But wherefore feek new dangers in this place?
As yet unconquer'd by oppreffion's hand,
You still expole yourself to Persian rage,
Provoke the vengeance of a barb'rous people,

And

And sure destruction court upon your head.
Have you forgot the fight of Salamis,
Your wond'rous deeds 'gainst th’ Asiatic host,
When the proud despot, whose ambitious mind
Aspir'd the pond'rous earth to bind in chains,
And lead old ocean captive, cow'ring fed.
Why thus awake the cruel tyrant's wrath ?
If once discover'd, where a refuge find?
What means of fight, beset with num'rous foes ?
Too many enemies hath thankless Athens
Rais'd 'gainst the virtues they despair to equal :
But all are bound here to avenge the loss
Of father, brother, son, or kinsman lain,
On th’ever memorable day when Greece
Was, by you, refcu'd from a foreign yoke,

Oh, hear me ! let's depart,
We shall add the original.

• Sia tutto ver; ma quel ragion ti guida
A cercar nuovi rischi

questo loco ?
L'odio de' Greci, è poco ? Espor de' Perfi
Anche all'ire ti vuoi? Non ti sovviene.
Che l'affalita Atene
Usci per te di tutta l'Afia a fronte
Serse derise, e il temerario ponte ?
Deh non creder sì breve
L'odio nel cor d’un Re. Se alcun ti scuopre
A chi ricorri? Ai gran nemici altrove
Ma qui son tutti : a ciascheduno à tolto
Nella celebre ftrage il tuo consiglio
O l'amico, o il congionto, o il padre, o il figlio.
Deh per pietà Signore

Fuggiami There are many passages translated with great force and peculiar happiness; but we are not able to transcribe them, on account of their extent. In several respects our translator has succeeded very well: his chief failure has been in not preserving the concise energy, the abrupt force of the original.

A' translation of Metastasio, in which the manner, as well as the matter, is more attended to, would be a considerable addition to English literature.

A Journal, kept on

on a Journey from Bafjora to Bagdad; over ibe little Defart, to Aleppo, Cyprus, Rhodes, Zante, Corfu; and Otranto, in Italy; in the Year 1779. 8vo. 35. Ria vington. TH HE Journey which forms the subject of this narrative, is

now not unfrequently performed by passengers from the East Indies; and as the route is far from being yet well known

to

to Britih travellers, a faithful detail of it may, to fuch, prove particularly serviceable. The Journal commences on Thursday, March 10, 1779 ; when the author, in company with four other English gentlemen, departed from Baflora, in two small boats, for Corna; to which place they passed along a very pleasant river, both sides whereof were beautified with fine rows of date trees. The extortion practised by governors, and other civil officers, with the treachery of linguifts and interpreters, constitute the chief incidents on the journey; of which the following is a specimen.

• Our linguift acquainted us this morning, that the governor had received a letter from Baffora last night, informing him of the death of Carim Cawn, the regent of Persia, at Shyrass. In confequence of which Saddoo Cawn, and all the Perlians, had left Baffora, to repair as fast as possible to that place, he being one of the competitors for the regency. This accident, it was imagined, would create great disturbances in the Persian empire, and will give the Arabs an opportunity of accomplishing their scheme of recovering Baffora, without blood-lhed, and I make not the least doubt, should the news prove true, fhaick Tamar has before this taken the advantage of it... We were promised boats to convey us from hence to Hilla, for which we were to pay twenty-four zuşmaboobs. I was fearful we hould again be put to fome inconvenience for want of money; we were told, a day or two ago, by our linguist, that a merchant here would advance us what we wanted, for our bills on Mr. Latouche; he afterwards informed us, the man would not do it. This fellow carried on some crade, confiiting of thawls, &c. and I am inclined to believe him rascal enough to persuade us of the impoflibility of getting money, that we might be obliged to purchase his things, (to give the people in lieu of cash) at whatever price he pleased to set on them. It has very plainly appeared to me, throughout the journey, thus far, that he endeavoured to fleece us as much as possible. These men are very necessary, and there is no doing without them, but I would advise every friend of mine not to put too much confidence in them, as I am persuaded they permit the country people to make the most of you as you pats along. I have this fufpicion from the dirty, under-hand dealing of the one we employed. - In the afternoon we were told, that the boats could not be got in readiness before the next morning; and we had great reason to fear, notwithstanding our presents, that the honelt governor was still playing us fome of his cricks. Several of the principal towns people advised us by no means to think of going the way proposed, as we should certainly be plundered. The sciad, who had forwarded Burford and De Bourg, came to our linguist, and desired him to persuade us from taking a Atep of the kind, giving as 4 reason, that the Arabs all the way up the river, were well informed of our coming, and were lying in wait for us, in expectation of meeting with great spoil. He said, had we divested ourselves of our baggage, he would likewise have sent us on without the least hazard, at the time when the other gentlemen went. The only method he could now advise, with any degree of safety, was to return to Bazool, (giving out that we were going back to Bastora) and on our arrival there to dispatch a man to fhaick Tamar, to procure uş camels to proceed to Mulhat. On hearing this, we began to think we were in a moft disagreeable situation, and consulted on what was beft to be done. It was proposed by fome of the party, to change our clothes for the ineanest we could get, to send back our baggage, and go forward on asses. This proposition was rejected. Soon after this, our linguist, whom wa had sent on enquiries, came in, and acquainted us, that a sciad from Bafsora had offered to conduct us fafe to Hilla, free of all other expences, for 200 piafters, to be paid on our safe arrival there. This, though rather exorbitant, we gladly embraced, and now entertained hopes of foon getting clear of this intamous place, when we were visited by our careful friend the governor, and the feiad who had made the proposal coming in, told him of his offer, but this conscientious gentleman put a Itop to it, which we have fince heard was owing to the sciad's retuing to make him fome acknowledgment. No money being to be procured under 20 per cent. discount, we were reduced to the greatest difficulty, till on leffening our baggage to one small trunk each, which we found indispensably neceflary, one of the party luckily found eighty-two piaitres, which were fully fufficient for the occasion. Soon after we were again visited by the custom-malter, renewing his demand of customs, and on our refusing to comply with it, he very infolently took his spear at us, telling us he would have his customs in spite of our teeth. Our linguist was sent to the governor with a complaint of this behaviour; he desired us to pay no attention to it. About seven o'clock this evening the sciad came to us, and advanced his price to 250 piasters, which we consented to give him, and entered into a written agreement, by which he bound himself to conduct us to Mulhat, and then return to Semowha and forward our servants and baggage. We proposed setting out the next night, accompanied by Itha, the father of our linguist, who goes with us as an interpreter, to assist us as much as poffible, being well acquainted with the customs of the country we were to travel through. The honeft governor, on paying us another visit, took a fancy to a turban, which we gave him. I mention this as a convincing proof that thele gentry are never satisfied.'

The description of the habitations at Sebya, an Arabian town, deserves to be mentioned. They are long arched huts, madle of reeds, curiously feamed, or tied together. The one occupied by the travellers was raised upon pillars of reeds and

fuicks;

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