income in this country, at the time of his death. No teftament ought to be valid, without fuch a bequest; and if any perfon died inteftate, a year's income fhould be exacted. A revenue of this kind, would always keep the debts of a nation within moderate bounds, and could hardly be evaded.

The care of fuch an unalienable finking fund, fhould be entrusted to individuals peculiarly refponfible for its fuccefs. A fpecial commiffion fhould be appointed for that purpose alone. Á different fet of individuals fhould be pitched upon to pay off public debts, from thofe by whom they are contracted; and the progrefs made in difcharging the incumbrances of a nation, ought never to be fo involved with other operations of finance, as to become imperceptible to the eye of the public.'

In addition to thefe articles, our author propofes, that every means fhould be adopted for encouraging individuals, when they had no near relations, to leave their property to the public; and that peculiar checks and fecurities ought to be contrived to prevent the embezzlement of the money which is borrowed upon the national credit.

In the remaining chapters, the author recites the rife and progrefs of our prefent national debts, in the courfe of which narrative he gives a general view of them at the different periods of their accumulation; concluding with an account of the fteps hitherto taken to diminish the capital, and reduce the intereft; and of the feveral plans which have been fuggefted for that purpofe. Through the whole of the Hiftory, Mr. Sinclair dilcovers faithful attention to facts, which he has likewife induftriously collected. He examines the opinions of different writers with impartiality; and makes fuch judicious reflections, as must not only render the prefent volume acceptable to political readers, but induce them to wish that he may continue a work, which, fo far as he has already proceeded, he has, in our opinion, executed with ability.

Remarks upon the Hiftory of the Landed and Commercial Policy of England, from the Invasion of the Romans to the Acceffion of James the First. In two Volumes. Small 8vo. 6s. ferved. Brooke.

O trace the progrefs of fociety from a ftate of rudeness to that of refinement, is one of the most entertaining fpeculations on the fubject of politics. In fuch an enquiry we not only behold the genuine characters of men when deftitute of civilization, but have an opportunity to obferve the gradual developement of the human mind in the exertion of its moft valuable faculties. As the wealth and populoufness of a nation are chiefly derived from husbandry, manufactures, and

commerce,

commerce, nothing can prove more ufeful towards difplaying the importance of thefe arts, than exhibiting a view of the public profperity, which must always refult from their improvement. In the period which is the object of the Remarks now before us, the author enjoys an ample profpect for a va-riety of political obfervation. He difcovers the rudiments of the useful arts whilst just emerging into exiftence in this country; and he traces them, through many vicisitudes of fortune, to an epoch when they attained a signal degree of cul-.

tivation.

The work begins with remarks upon the landed and commercial policy of the ancient Britons; in treating of which he adopts the diftin&tion ufual with philofophical writers, of confidering mankind in three different lights, as favages, thep-herds, and husbandmen..

Under the first of these they include fuch as fubfift by fishing, the acquifitions of the chace, or the natural productions of the ground. The number of inhabitants in this ftate muft, in general, be few: and they can unite together only in small parties, as the means of fubfiftence are oftentimes fcanty and precarious. Every thing being common, and the property of the first occupier, no other law can be expected to take place than what depends in a great measure on perfonal strength. When men have fo far advanced towards civilization as to obtain a diftinct property in cattle, they have commonly claimed an exclufive right to particular diftricts, the boundaries of which have been fettled by mutual agreement or long poffeffion. In this itate bodies of men may unite, in proportion to the richnefs of the foil, and the extent of the country they poflefs. As the property of every individual is easily afcertained, few regu lations are neceffary; and thefe are generally founded on cuftom, which holds the place of written laws. When agriculture is introduced, property becomes fo various and complicated, that a code of laws is neceffary to preferve it as well as to encourage induftry. Cultivated lands yielding a greater produce than in a ftate of nature, a larger body of people may fubfift together, and form an union for their fecurity against foreign and domeftic enemies. And as bufbandry requires the aid of different arts to fupply its wants, artificers and manufacturers are gradually formed, and the feveral occupations of life are allotted to particular perfons, which in the other states are ufually exercifed by all the members. Ancient writers have therefore generally made agriculture and legillation coeval and

attendant on each other.'

According to the earlieft accounts, the original inhabitants of Britain, though extremely uncultivated, were numerous and martial. But it is not improbable, as our author obferves, that Cæfar magnified the number of Britons, either to

give importance to his invafion of fo diftant a country, or through the want of proper information; and the Remarker is justly of opinion, that the produce of the British lands, in their native and uncultivated ftate, as a great part of them undoubtedly was in the time of Cæfar, could not be fo confiderable as to maintain a numerous body of the people. The number of inhabitants in every country deftitute of commerce, he obferves, is always proportioned to the quantity of food which the foil or the neighbouring feas or rivers afford; and the northern Britons are faid to have abstained from eating fish, Our author has not, in this part of the work, taken into account the provisions afforded by the chace, which is fo common an exercise in every uncultivated country; but we join with him in thinking, for the reafons he has mentioned, and for others which might be affigned, that the inhabitants of Britain, before the invafion of the Romans, were in reality not fo numerous as they have been reprefented by ancient writters; whofe teftimony, however, we are ready to admit, with refpect to what is remarked by our author in the fubfequent quotation.

• We are fometimes apt to confider the defcriptions which the Greek and Roman writers have left us of ancient Gaul, Germany, and Britain, as fabulous, and owing to their igno rance of thefe regions. A part of their accounts was undoubtedly received from merchants er foldiers, who, prefuming on the ignorance or credulity of their hearers, took the liberty to magnify what they had feen or learnt from report. But the temperature of the air is fo widely different in cultivated and uncultivated countries, though lying under the fame latitudes, that there is no reason to distruit the veracity of these writers in the relations they have given us of the northern parts of Europe. Some countries,, which were then looked upon to be almost uninhabitable through the extremity of cold, afford many conveniences of life, and produce grain and fruits which were then thought to be incompatible with the climate. And the cultivated tracts of a country will have a beneficial influence upon others that lie at a confiderable distance. Every part of England and France feels the advantages of the improved agriculture of their northern neighbours, and enjoys a warmth and temperature of air unknown in former ages.'

The fecond chapter contains remarks upon the landed and commercial policy of the Britons ander the Roman government. It is beyond a doubt, that the conquest of this country by the Romans contributed greatly to its civilization. Whether it was that the Romans regarded the offices of hufbandry as fervile, or that this employment was beft calculated to keep the people in febjection, it feems to be certain,, as

Our

our author obferves, that agriculture was enforced in the different provinces of the empire. The advancement of this art in Britain, under the government of the Romans, appears to be faithfully defcribed by the author, in the following extract.

The Roman colonists, who fettled in Britain, would undoubtedly apply themselves to the cultivation of the lands in their neighbourhood, and endeavour to teach the natives by example their own mode of husbandry, as far it was applicable to the foil and climate. But the number of colonifts was too finall to have an extensive influence. Equal benefits arofe from the legions, which were quartered in different parts of the ifland. As foon as the natives were reduced to fubmiffion, the foldiers would either till, or oblige them to affift in tilling,,the adjacent lands, in order to fupply themselves with better provilions than the coarfe food of the inhabitants. In process of time, villages were built near thefe military ftations; and fuch of the natives, as chose to imitate the manners of the Romans, put themfelves under their protection, and cultivated their lands in greater fecurity from the inroads of their countrymen than they could in many other places. And, for the better protection of the people, the troops were quartered in fuch parts as were beft adapted for maintaining the internal peace and tranquillity of the provinces. As many Britons had retired into Wales and the northern parts of the island, and annoyed both the Romans and their countrymen by their incurfions, the military forces were fo difpofed as to guard againft them in the most effectual manner. The legions ftationed at Gloucester, Chefter, and Carlisle, and the walls and ramparts thrown up by Adrian and Severus, are inftances of the care they took to preferve domestic tranquillity.'

In the third chapter, the author delineates the landed and commercial policy of England, under the Anglo-Saxon government. This period introduced a great revolution in the landed property and manners of the Britons. It feems to have rather encouraged than diminished an attention to agriculture, though thofe who chiefly cultivated this ufeful art were loaded with many oppreffive duties and exactions.

Landed property, fays our author, being confidered by the Saxons as of no other ufe than as the means of fupplying them with provifions, and the common neceffaries of life, without being obliged to purchase them of others, it was difpofed of in fuch a manner as to answer thefe ends by dividing it into fmall parcels, and exacting a fum of money, or a portion of the product, from fome tenants, and labour, or particular fervices, from others. The demefnes of the lords and gentry were commonly fufficient to furnith them with corn and cattle for the maintenance of their families; and other parts of their estates were difpofed of on fuch terms as to fupply them with carriages

and

and labourers. To fome tenants a fmall portion of land was granted, in confideration of working particular days for their landlord; others were bound to carry out the manure to his demefne-lands; to reap, mow, or carry his corn or hay; to fhoe his horfes, and find the iron; to fence a few yards of his park, or to fetch timber from the woods; to fupply him with a quantity of honey or malt; to carry his provifions when he travelled, or at particular times to treat his fteward or bailiff. In fhort, every tenant, according to his circumstances, was obliged to lend affiftance to his landlord. The ceorles affifted him with their plows and carriages, and the cottagers and ferfs with their labour. Whenever thefe forts of tenants were obliged to attend, it was commonly fixed, how many hours they fhould work, and how much they fhould pay for the neglect; what quantity of meat or drink fhould be allowed, and at what times they should work without any gratuity. Sometimes particular days were appointed for their attendance, and at other times they were obliged to attend on the fummons of the bailiff,'

In the fourth chapter the author profecutes the fubject, from the Norman conqueft to the fucceffion of Henry the Third. From the extraordinary paffion for the chace, which fo much actuated the princes of the Norman line, the agriculture of England appears to have derived no advantage, in confequence of this revolution; and her commerce, which had been flowly advancing under the Saxon government, was yet impeded by great encumbrances.

In every country, fays our author, where honour and refpect are annexed only to the profefiion of arms, trade will be looked upon as difgraceful to the gentry, and configned to Jews, ufurers, and the lowest of the people. And, if commerce had been a more creditable employment, it could not flourish under the arbitrary exactions of the monarchs of thofe times, who affumed a fovereign jurifdiction over all its branches, and frequently feized the merchandise of the fubjects or aliens without diftinction. The duties or customs levied on goods imported or exported were, for fome time after the Conqueft, in a great meafure undetermined, and collected by officers, who fometimes plundered, instead of protecting the merchants. Through interelt or bribes, a licence to trade might be obtained from the crown by particular perfons; and if a few were enriched by the grant, the induftry of others was proportionably difcouraged. So far was commerce thought to be at the difpofal of the king, or under the controul of his officers, that it was dangerous to intermeddle in any of its branches without having obtained leave, by a fine or a prefent. Every privilege relative to trade was expofed to fale, and might be obtained for a valuable confideration. And traffic, even in the inoft neceffary articles, was under great reftrictions. The people were com

pelled