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other people to fulfil his vow, which he takes for granted, by purchasing a thousand copies. 'Tis wonderful, most wonderful!

The third author is by much the least eccentric of the trio, He talks fomething like folks of this world,' and his language resembles common sense. For instance,

• Religious duties mark'd his life;

Scarce ever discompos'd :
Happy must be his virtuous wife!

What muft she not have los d!!
Poor woman! though, after all, we know not whether it is meant
that we should chiefly condole with her on her loss, or congra-
tulate her on her happiness. The author ought to have known,
that los'd is not the preterperfect of to lose.
The Nosegay; or May-Morning-Free-Will Ofering. (A truly ex-

temporaneous Offspring) on Inebriation, Small 4to. In the above title dele the first parenthesis, and for an read of; as we conceive no man in his sober senses could write in so strange a inanner. The spirit of wine seems to have had as much share in the presens performance, as that of enthusiasm in the preceding ones: and be it knowo, gentle reader, this poem likewise originates from the fame inauspicious quarter with the others.

At Plimouth I these lines indite

Them for yourself to read ;
But, as I in my ftudy write,

Conclude you have no need.'
Surely there is something epidemic in the air on the weftern
coast! We heartily recommend thefe unlucky votaries of Apollo
to his care and protection ; nor in his poetical, but medical
department. They are entitled, to his favour, on account of
the cruel treatment they seem to have experienced from his
sifter Cynthia, in her nocturnal excursions : for certainly to
adopt a whimsical line of Dryden :, which seems by the bye to
have been written under the influence of the same planet,
• The moon has rollid over their heads and turn'd them.'

Ivar. A Tragedy. 8vo. Is. 6d. (Printed at Exeter.) Kearsley,

We are extremely sorry to inform the public that the contagion, which, from the preceding articles, we apprehended prevails on the western coast, is extended, if we may judge from the title-page, to the metropolis of these parts. The scene of this tragedy is laid near the palace, but what palace we are at a loss to conjecture. The dramatis perfonae are Hengift, Alf. wold, Offa, Handel, Ivar, and Matilda : but we find no de. scriptions of, or allusions to, the old Britons, Saxons, or modern Germans, as Handel, a well-known name at present, might lead us so fuppose. Ivar is represented as prime minifer 10 Hengift, and, like most other prime minifters, we mean


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those in tragic writ, a great villain. He rebels against his sovereign, and is thus addressed by a messenger.

Mej. Thus faith the seer who looks into the fates,
(By whose permission hither am I come)
The heav'ns are troubled and the gods are angry,
And initant ruin threatens upon Ivar,
And this withal he gives you in advice;
Let each one to his llation tirait retire,
And by his penitence atone his crime-
Vanish like mist before the rising day,
For what fo terrible as gods incens'd !
Tvar. Stay, take thy reward with thee-bear my mes.

This shalt thou give in answer to the seer;
Unless this day ihall put his words to proof,
Before another fun fhall light the world ;
Thus shall my sword do execution on him,
And turn the angry gods against himself.

(Stabs the Messenger. Mel. I am made fick to death !-- you great gods !

[Exit.' This smart exclamation, as Bayes calls it, and indeed the whole passage, forcibly recall honelt Nat. Lee to our minds, who in his Herculean vein, would probably in a similar situation have made his hero kill the messenger, and bade his ghost carry back defiance to the gods. But the happy thought of returning a message to a living man by making his nuncio a ghost, furpasses any of Nat's furpaffing ideas, and is truly original.

We have had occafion to commend provincial publications, and we suspect from the same city; but, on every occasion of this kind, we must now except the printer before us. We have feldom seen any thing more imperfectly and aukwardly ex. ecuted.

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Tbc False Friends. A Novel. In a Series of Letters, by the Au.

thor of the Ring: 2 Vols. 6s. Barker. We are told in the preface, that the ' author is young, unexperienced, and a female.' We readily believe it; and only with that she had been more advantageously employed. The characters, the language, and the sentiments, if we except a strict morality, are below mediocrity. We endeavour, however, to learn something from every book which we read; and we find a lady's idea of a handsome man to consist in black piercing eyes, a brown complexion, and white teeth.' With

fine fenfe,' great beauty, and a wonderful disposition to unite all the parties by marriage, added to a description of this kind, we have the effence of every novel, written by a young lady.'


The Adventures of Alonzo ; containing fome firiking Anecdotes of the prefent Prime Minister of Portugal. 2 Vols. 12mo. 65. Bew.

These Adventures seem to have been written some time ago, for the minister, alluded to in the title, was probably the unfortunate marquis de Pombal. He certainly was unfortunate, perhaps guilty : while he curbed the exorbitant power of the church, he added to that of the crown ; while he enlarged the minds of his countrymen by encouraging learning, and giving fome scope to liberal enquiry, he is faid to have fectered commerce by an odious monopoly. Yet, on the subject of bis miniitry, we have not ruuch novelty ; nor are the anecdotes numerous.

In other respects, the-Adventures are interesting and agree. able. They are far removed from the common grac, and frequently above it The language is nervous, but incorrect; in one or two instances the misplacing will and Mhall seems to fhew that the author is not an Englithian ; yet his jungınent feems to be good, and his knowledge not inconfiderable : a vein of good sense pervides and embellishes these little volumes.

P O L I T Í CA L. A Candid Review of 1r. Pilt's Teventy Rcfolutions. Addressed to

the People of Ireland. 8vo. 25. Debreto. Though political subjects of great importance ought always to be treated with the utmost degree of impartiality, there is too much reason to fufpect, that in enquiries of this nature, the confideration of public utility is often facrificed to the paflions of individuals, and the common interests of a party. Actuated, however, as we are by no other view than that of examining faithfully the merits of literary productions, we are disposed to weigh the arguments both of those who have supported, and of those who have opposed the Irish propositions, without any deviation to either side.

In the introduction to the pamphlet before us, we are sorry to observe that the author betrays a design of exciting the Irish to oppose the Resolutions in question. It would have appeared much more candid to have delivered his sentiments dispaffione. ately, and to have left to the good sense of the majority of the Irish nation either to approve or reject them.

The author's observation on the Second Resolution is as fol. lows.

• This Resolution contains the principle or basis on which the above regulation is intended to be carried into execution. It is stated as a conditional bargain ; offering on the one hand a full participation of commercial advantages to Ireland, when ever Ireland shall make a provision towards defraying the expences of protecting the trade, &c. of the empire, in time of peace.–And the twentieth Resolution, which ought to be conŞidered as a part of the second, declares what that provision is to be, and how it is to be secured.

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« This Resolution is founded on an affumption which I positively declare to be false and inadmissible, viz. that Ireland enjoys no jutt right or claim to the participation of commercial advantages, and must therefore engage to purchase them by a compensation from Great Britain. - This is not only an infer.ence, but the foundation of the whole plan, and by treating on such terms, Ireland would directly acknowledge the exclus five right of Great Britain to deny her that participation, without a compensation of an annual supply.

“That Ireland ought to contribute to the defence of the trade of the empire, I am molt ready to admit. And he has ever shown an 'inclination to bear her share of the public expence even beyond her abilities.-My objection is to agreeing to pay that contribution as a purchase of what the has a right to claim on other grounds, namely, as a compensation for a participa, çion of similar commercial advantages granted by her to Great Britain. For

• The only commercial advantages that are to be communicated to Ireland, by virtue of this act, are a permission to send her manufactures, and the importable produce of foreign states, or our own colonies, into Great Britain. It is not material to advert to the regulations to be adopted on this trade.-I only ak if Great Britain does not now enjoy the power of sending fimilar articles, and her manufactures into Ireland; and if the has not ever since the union of the crowns enjoyed this advantage?'

In these remarks, it is obvious that the author endeavours to bend the subject to his own prejudices; and that he might do this with the greater success, he very artfully observes, it is not material to advert to the regulations to be adopted on this trade.' But we must beg leave to contend, that an attention to the proposed regulations is a matter of the utmost importance ; and in support of this affertion we may appeal to the conduct of both the houses of the British parliament on the present occasion. On what other account than for the purpose of establishing proper regulations, has so much time been employed in examining the petitions of the various manufacturers ?

The author, in his remarks on the Fourth Resolution, appears likewise :o indulge himself in a ftrain of misrepresentation. He infifts, that were the propositions adopted, they would directly affect the independence of Ireland ; but, by this assertion, he seems to lose sight of the reciprocity which it is intended that the legislatures of both countries Mould equally exercise with respect to commercial regulations.

In treating of the Ninth Resolution, the author profesies a detestation of the idea that Ireland should be prohibited from a trade with the East Indies. But he ought to reflect, that this is a prohibition not peculiar to Ireland, fince, excepting the capital, all the ports in Great Britain are excluded from enjoy ing the privileges of the East India Company.

According to this author, the people of Ireland never can be satisfied without a total rejection of ihe Second, Fourth, Fifth, Eighth, Ninth, and some parts of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Resolutions. He certainly has done all in his power to infti. gate the Irih, particularly the volunteers, to such a rejection ; and we cannot, without expreiling the itrongelt difapprobation, behold any writer on a great national {ubject, appeal to the paffions of the uninformed populace, in preference to the legis. jature of the country. Such a conduct is evidently dićtated by the worst of motives, and deferves to be reprobated by the opponents, as well as the abettors of the Resolutions. An Address to the King and People of Ireland. 8vo. 15. Debrett.

The author of this address holds, that the system contained in the Twenty Resolutions is inadmillible; and that the terms of it, on the part of the two contracting parties, viz. the parliament of Great Britain, and the parliament of Ireland, are of necessity as to the one, or as to the other, a surrender FUR EVER of those inherent rights which neither can of right FOR EVER forego.', The author of this pamphlet writes dispassionately; but his arguments are as inadmissible, in our opinion, as the system of Resolutions is in his own.

Original Papers. 8vo. 15. Jarvis. These Papers have so much the appearance of being genuine, that, with the concurring evidence of some additional circumftances, we cannot doubt of their authenticity. They confift of a Letter from the late Earl of Hardwicke to a near Relation, on the Subject of a Miniferial Negociation in the Year 1763 ; and of a Letter from the Hon, Charles Yorke to the Rev. D: Birch. The letter from lord Hardwicke is dared Sept. 4, 1763. and contains an account of two conferences which Mr. Pitt had with a great personage at the Q's palace, relative to a new administration. At the former of those conferences, which was about ten days before, on a Saturday, every, thing seemed to be in a fair train for a new ministerial arrangement; but, lo! at the conference on the subsequent Monday, this flattering prospect entirely vanished.

• Mr. Pitt likewise affirms, says the writer of the Letter, that, if he was examined upon oath, he could not tell upon what this negociatiop broke off, whether upon any particular point, or upon the general complexion of the whole but that if the **** fhall'allign any particular reason for it, he will never contradict it.'

In the beginning of the Letter, we are presented with an account of the teps wilich led to the conferences above mentioned. As this part is strongly marked with the characteristics of a political negociation, we thall lay before our readers an extract of it.

. I have

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