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TAIT'S EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.

NOVEMBER, 1849.

OUR ANGLO-SAXON EMPIRE.

The past

wave

The past month is celebrated as the termination of land, the Saxon nobles, mid for a long period bitter one vast and marked period in the history of the Anglo-|| animosity existed between the countries—bitter and Saxon race. Nations, like individuals, grow and in- unrelenting as the strife of brethren—but the Norcrease in stature, strength, and wisdom-liitherto like man section of the race never greatly promoted the individuals, to perish in their strength, or to sink into substantial interests of the country, for their victories decay, dotage, and imbecility. Dating from the in France were idle and worthless triumphs; and they birth of Alfred, a fair landmark in history, the Anglo- | are not the men who levelled the forests, tilled the Saxons enter in this November on the second millen- soil, constructed our roads, built up our towns, drained nium of their strange and noble career.

our marshes, made highways of water over our mounthousand years have their vicissitudes of defeat and tains and through our valleys, explored the earth's triumph; but borne onwards and upwards, the flag that recesses for their wealth, built and navigated our ships, has at last “braved a thousand years the battle and invented new mechanisms, discovered new countries, the breeze," attained an influence and power far over extended our manufactures, improved our arts, planted the highest flights that the Roman cagle, in his ambi- our standard by the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, tion, dreamed. The Norman conquest of England, || by the Ganges, the Jumna, and the Indus—who sup. and its infusion of Norman blood and manners, is but || planted animal by steam power, and made the mighty an incident in Saxon history. The Normans are only engines that traverse land and sea, running to and branches of one great root with the Saxons—a “ fro

upon

the earth, and causing knowledge to increase. let” in one tide of liumanity, that, sweeping down || The Norman share in these triumphs is small, simply from “the Persian mountains,' from the world's because the Normans, as the term is commonly circentre, from mankind's cradle, through many lands tol cumscribed, are few. Their share is large as their the northern coasts, the ends of the earthi, were destined numbers are great, if within the descriptive title are there to become, for a time, the agents of civilization, included all those to whom it really belongs, namely, the teachers of the inhabited, and the conquerors of the greater part of the north-eastern population, as the wild parts of the carth. We do not confine these distinguished originally from those in the centre, the remarks exclusively and strictly to the British race- western, and the southern districts of Britain. Some one meinber only of a family—the youngest, and now of Alfred's admirers regard him as the founder of a the most powerful—a family to which the sea-kings of separate movarchy, who struggled long against the old were patriarchs, and whose branches occupy the adverse Danish race. They have not, we think, any porth-western coasts of Europe to the present day. I good reasons in liistorical facts, so far as they can now The curious questions connected with the origin of this be gleaned out and substantiated, in considering his race are not hidden in mystery so inexplicable that struggles as materially dillercnt in character from those they may not, even yct, be traced out and solved. I of Robert Bruce against the English Norman Kings, Investigation and research have not yet been earnestly except that the latter were more powerful combatants, and fully turned upou this subject, and when they and the persons more numerous who were involved in coinc to be employed in its elucidation, language, the issue. The difference between the English and mythology, and usages, will throw, if we misappre. Scotch wars, and a war between the British and the hend not greatly, a very curious and startling light || Russian people at the present age, is perceptible withupon their original history. With that inquiry, | out much historical knowledge. The former might undoubtedly a most interesting examination, we be more implacable than the latter, without a change of have little or nothing to do at present. We are race following victory on either side.

There are exconfined to modern history, to the last thousand amples precisely illustrative, in the existing state of years, by our own terms, and use them only to fur- | Europe. The Danes and Swedes lave waged violent mish the ground for speculation on the future. The

wars ; and yet they occupy, not so much in territory Norman invasion we regard, in every sense, as more as in race, the position of tlic English and the Scotch an apparent than a real inroad on Saxon rule. The in former times towards each other. The triumph of Envaders were in reality part of the same original || ither Danes or Swedes would not involve any radical tock, and they never occupied any great portion of change in Denmark or Sweden; but the conquest of the country, except as its proprietary. They forced | Sither, or of both, by the Russians, would be a widely back on the Northern English countics, and into Scot-Il different affair. Then, in the attacks of the British

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VOL, XVI, XO. CXCI.

fleet on Copenhagen, and in the alliances of the Danes was it prostituted. A day of retribution arrived. with France against Britain, the Danes themselves || Another party arose into power, deficient in sentiment, found something unnatural ; and the inhabitants of careless of any influence not connected with ledgers the eastern, and especially of the north-eastern dis- and Adam Smith-as destitute of chivalrous feelings tricts of Scotland, participated in their feeling, because as their predecessors were devoid of justice—and they the connection of the races is stamped, like the brand threaten to cut off the colonies. The influence that on Cain's brow, in lines perceptible to all, and the retains the British people together must be strong, to intimate assimilation of language makes the proof of | resist years of successive and violent temptations to identity distinct.

separate. The design of casting off the colonies is The birth of Alfred stamped a broad mark in the his- | now openly avowed by the subordinates of the Gotory of the British Empire, rather on account of his vernment; but, if ever their superiors propose a bill legislation than his wars. He gave consistency to the for that purpose in Parliament, they will learn that laws and power of the British Saxons, by collecting they have completely miscalculated the temper of the and embodying the scattered fragments of both. He people. ruled as king, with the assent, and after the instruc. The Ministry will not follow that plain path. They tions of the people, in their Parliament. His reign will continue to insult, misgovery, and oppress, in exwas, in every particular, prefigurative of the subsequent spectation of the consequences. They will sustain progress of the nation. He was a scholar, a warrior, Torrington, the Governor, and priest-whipper, in Cey. a legislator, and the munificent patron of discovery lon; they will give certificates of good conduct to the and navigation--in themselves the origin and means More O'Ferrals, who may turn our fortresses into the of commerce. Alfred's reign commenced a millennium || tools of the Jesuits-knighthood to Wards, who haug in British history, which has now closed. Hitherto || Cephalonians like the Haynaus-pcerages to the Elgius, we have gone forward in power, increasing in popula. who hide in the woods from the presence of the colotion, in influence, and wealth. Hereafter shall we vists whom they have successfully involved in trouble retrograde into the insignificance of eastern kingdoms -and all manner of support to the dozens of governors and empires, that seemed born only to grow and die? || in over-taxed islets who demand for themselves more The answer closely concerns all our population, and money than the colonists earn. This is the habit of should be pondered well. The withdrawal of the the Colonial office. An effort to part the colonies United States at the close of the last century neither, from home, made avowedly and manfully, would not we think, increased British intluence, nor improved | be successful. The people would at once lay the American manners.

The United States are not so treason prostrate. Therefore, a deeper scheme is infree from vice as prudent parents would wish to see vented. The colonists are teased, tormented, and their children in their youth, or early manhood. They smothered with constitutions. Here they are threatseem to be hot in dispute, prone to quarrel, and fondened with an inundation of paupers; there with an of casting every misunderstanding into the scale of infusion of felons and felonry. Now they are pressed war, opposite their swords. They have displayed to-1to the earth, and money squeezed out of them hydratwards weaker races little of that philanthropy which lically to pay governors and officials, over whose apshould be the chivalry of our time. Their position pointments and dismissal they have no power; again presents many palliating circumstances; but, as yet, they are forbidden to employ labourers, except with ambition and avarice untit the democracy of the States / permission, behest, and benison, from Earl Grey. la for noble deeds. If we look upon the map of the one quarter land is rendered of dangerous and diffworld, we find the possessions of Britain scattered cult attainment; in another it is squandered away in over every quarter. A superficial glance will leave grants to favourites and pets, with guilty profusion. the impression that they are disjointed and frag- | An immense and valuable island, the property of mentary; and we only reach the conviction that the people of this country, is gifted bodily to an they are compact and naturally knit together, after idle company, who immediately advertise its former a careful examination of their position, population, owners, through the newspapers, that they are at and produce. We hold it essential for the interest | liberty to come and buy portions of their own land of the people in this country, of the inhabitants of back again at a reasonable price; and the Colonial Se our possessions, of our colonists, of great prin- cretary, Under Secretary, and the whole bunde af ciples in commerce, great objects in morals and science, officials, read the advertisements without blushing, in and a mighty result in religion, that this empire should the company of honest men whose property they have be maintained and upheld. It can be destroyed squandered. Losing shareholders in railways tak only from within, unless through some great interven- || bitterly of Hudson, and have never a word to say of tion, which we have no reason to anticipate. Its chief | Ilawes. We believe Hudson to be comparatively or danger is, therefore, from within--from ourselves and right; for he never gave away a whole coucern in bali

Some years ago, the aristocracy did all to Mr. Secretary so-and-so, or to self and others, like within their power to alienate our colonists, and destroy the York and North Midlands, or the Eastern Counties, our possessions. They refused to the former partici- || but the transaction of Vancouver's Island with the pation in our commerce, in our legislation, in the ma- | Hudson-Bay Company is a commercial story that rill nagement of our affairs, and treated them as aliens. never tell well for the present Ministry. We hope The selfish principle blinded them even to their own that none of them, or of their connections, relative, self-interest, and they treated the colonies, and ultra-subordinates, and menials, hold deeply in the Hudson marine possessions, as warming-pans for scions of their Bay Company; for in that case, instead of playing over families. The great power of the empire was never their remains the fool's step,” it would be necesconferred for that ignoble purpose, but to that end || sary to employ “the rogue's march." Both Hadee

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and Hawes are the victims in their several lines, per- 1st, The interest of the people at home. haps, of a bad system ; but the victimising may inca- 2d,

of the Colonists. pacitate them for managing public affairs. This is the 3d,

of commerce and genuine free-trade. charitable conclusion; and yet meek charity confesses,

4th,

of morals and intellect; and, in a constrained whisper, that mortals of their calibre 5th,

of religion. seldom giveaway their own property with the recklessness The first and the second may be stated together apparent in one of these cases. At home we are told with great brevity. A common argument by those assiduously that the colonies don't pay. Of course they who have given to the subject all the advantages of don't. They would be very remarkable colonies, in- very shallow study is, that we should sell and buy as deed, if they did pay. Though their log roads were | freely and profitably with the colonies, after they were paved four inches deep with beaten gold, and their independent states, as in their present position. So plough shares glazed diamonds, how could they pay,

we should, of course, if in the case of any large firm, with a determination, on the managers' part, that they Brown, Smith, & Co., for example. Mr. Brown would should cost more than they produced? The interest, I have the same interest in Mr. Smith's doings and carndignity, and honour of the empire, are trampled downlings, and Mr. Smith in Mr. Brown's, after the dissobeneath fictitious crotchets and absurd fantasies, inlution of their partnership, as during its continuance. the name of liberal government and constitutional A partnership dissolved by mutual consent would not freedom. In the name of freedom! Did ever a de-| be followed by a result of that character. The parties mocracy so govern colonics, oppress industry, and rob might say and believe that they could cach do better its component parts ? Give us a democracy, and we separately; and this is what some writers say and shall sce, in three months, a different style of govern. scme thikers believe regarding the colonial connecment, inaugurated amid a federation of colonics and tion. A company might, from that motive, be amistates, zealous for their mutual honour, profit, and cably dissolved; and, if no dificulties arose regarding power. The crush is coming because we are governed the accounts and settlements, the partners might reby an aristocracy of moncy, and a conglomeration of main on terms of personal intercourse and friendship, pot-house leglislators. The aristocracy is pitiful, for but the mutual interest in their respective personal they have no power in their own house, but are screwed endeavours would immediately cease. They might up by the iron Duke when he wants them. In mc

make more money individually than they had obtained chanics now, workmen call any great power employed for cach share in their collective prolits, but they could by them, a last shist in doing work- an ultimate re

not have the same mutual interest that had previously sort of mind struggling with matter—“the Whigs' | subsisted. The assertion we combat runs not that Iron Duke.” The theory of management in politics the colonies and the mother country would both gain is comprehended in workshops. When a clever tailor by a separation ; but that they might and would transwants to press down a stiff and rebellious seam, he act

, after that event, the same amount of business todoes not ask the boy for the goosc, but says, " hand I gether that now takes place between them. This me the Iron Duke, Tim ;” and up to the board it is assertion is neither consistent with reason nor experiborne, liot and hissing, to do its work. The legislators,

The Cnited States occupy towards us the same in the Commons, are not pot-house members more than position now that the colonies would necessarily take any other legislators, in the ordinary sense of the term. after their separation. The United States afford a Perhaps there are more sherry cobblers used by the gen. most favourabic illustration, because, on account of the tlemen of Washington, than goes of gin by the gentlemen British habits and tastes of their population, no other of Westminster, in a session. We know not the prevail. country takes so large an amount of goods from our ing custom, though occasionally honourable members do producers. The purchases of British manufactures in get drunk; but we do not call them pot-house legisla. || the United States do not at present exceed 7s.6d. for tors on that account, for they comprehend a large body each of the population. The purchases of British maof most decorous and respectable men ; our reason mufactures in the poorest colonics approach to six arises from their official, and not from their personal times that sum. The Australian colonies form an capacities. Are there six borough members amongst exceptional case, on account of their sn:all population them elected without the consent and by the influence and general prosperity ; but, in 1915, their purchase of the spirit-shop and beer-house interest, especially of British manufactures amounted to £2,149,000, which, if in the calculation the votes of licensed victuallers be according to Mr. R. Montgomery Martin, was equiva; included? We confess that the latter class of trades- lent to a sum of £7 lts. 3d. for cach of that colonial men, except in small boroughis, where mine host goes population. Incidental causes, always following great with his customers, and puts it in the bill, give good legislative changes, have injured the trade of the votes, and many of the former also, or we should have West Indian and North American colonies ; but their a parliament of brewers, distillers, and refiners solely; purchase of British goods have always amounted to but the fact remains, that, from the forms and peenli-l live times the quantity taken by the inhabitants of the arities of our franchise, the interest named can often | United States individually. We expect that Mr. return the member against the world, and always so Montgomery Wartin's new work on the history and turn a point as to make their own bargain. Let us

resources of the British colonics will be useful in now return to our subject. This Anglo-Saxon em- explaining more fully, and in a more popular style pire is hastening onwards to a precipice. Is it worth than has yet been done, the value of these possessions. while to turn the chase, save our position in the world, At page 20 of the first number, he recapitulates the and use the gifts of Providence for our own and other general average exports to the colonies thusnations' good? We hold that a variety of interests are concerned in averting this catastrophe :

* Published by J. & T. Tallas, London.

ence.

When our

British India and Ceylon,

£6,000,000 interests, and will protect labour. The onlydiferenca North American Colonies,

4,500,000 between them and our old aristocracy is, that they will West Indies,

3,500,000 Australian Colonies,

2,000,000

not protect game or large estates. In other respects African Settlements,

2,000,000

they will obey natural instincts until they be philoso. European and other Settlements, -2,000,000 pluised, and that process cannot be completed in our

times. We have no reason to presume that they will £20,000,000

adopt any other course. The Canadian Parliament Let us suppose that by casting off the colonies we re- has already shown its disposition. Canadian parties duce this trade to the proportion of our best foreign Lave avowed their tenets. The strongheaded British customers, the United States; then divide 20 by 5 | League and the less substantial French conclaves in and we have t--that is, £ 1,000,000 of annual exports the lower province agree in one part of policy-proas the result, instead of the present £20,000,000, and tection to Canadian labour-taxes in favour of Canaa deficiency in our annual sales of £16,000,000. We dian shuttles, forges, awls, and needles. They yield to have not the means of reckoning, at present, the pre- a human passion; untempered, in their case, by cise sum produced by this trade after paying for the “Smith's Wealth of Nations,” the cheap editiou, with raw material required in these various productions, notes analytical and practical. The patriotism of the and imported from foreign countries; but we produce, native Canadian joins with the disaffection of many at home, part of all the various raw materials required of the Irish emigrants in accomplishing the adoption for clothing fabrics, except silks, cotton, and dyes. of measures that seem to yield at least the immediWe produce wool, and now flax and hemp, in large ate sustenance of provincial artisans. A sinular course quantities; and they enter into part of all the finished will be commenced in all the colonies. goods, in their class, which we export. In the hard-flag is expelled, our goods will follow. They shall be ware, iron, and metal trades, we produce the raw taxed out of them, to the loss, we believe, of the colomaterial in this country. We, therefore, think that nists themselves, who will sink in less productive emwe may reckon on £12,000,000 being the amount of ployments the labour and the money that should be wages which, in cutting the colonial cord, we are employed in clearing forests and cultivating farms. advised to throw away—that being three-fourthis of the The sacrifice of the colonies is the demission of deficiency of £16,000,000 which the proposed change property by persons who cannot pay their debts. It will cause, if our colonies, after their annexation is a fraudulent assignment, by an embarrassed nation, with some other state, or after their independence has of property, without any benefit. The value of fixed been achieved-purchase from us-on an equality with || property in Great Britain is reckoned equal to fire our best present foreign customer.

times the national deht. One gentleman, we beliere, The value of these extra purchases does not appear inakes it equal to ten times the debt, and proposes from the money paid in wages. That sum alone now one great tax of ten per cent. for its extirpation. yields employment to a great number of men, and sup- || That is an open course. Let us be just ere we be port to many families, for whom, when it fails, provi- I generous. Let us pay that debt ere we further sion must be made in some other way-probably from weaken the security; for these valuations of property the poor-rates. The nation could consume itself, and are perfectly fictitious, but the debt is real. How that operation would go forward until our debts were many landowners and mortgagees have discovered that repudiated, our credit destroyed, and the earnings of debt and its interest were fixed, while the price of the most industrious classes mortgaged. We are told | land was moveable. Fixed fasts and moveable feasts of a remedy. If we sell not, it is said we cannot buy ; || are the fate of the embarassed, Cholera reduced and it is said truly, that we cannot buy after our money travelling for a few weeks in August and Septemis done, and our credit gone. The evil, it is confidently ber. The weekly receipts in railways fell in conse. asserted, will cure itself. All evils cure themselves inquence. The London and North Western was some the same way.

Fevers wear themselves out, but they | £8,000, in all, short of last year's sarcs. Terror imleave their subject weakened or dead; extravagancemediately scized wcak holders. The number of sellers comes to an end, when the spendthrift is poor or became greater than that of buyers, and the stock was ruined. We must buy less, say these Jobian com- affected 10 per cent. The valuc of the London and forters; so we must buy less, eat less, and wear less ; || North Western Railway fell by £2,000,000 on a but what availeth it to the paralysed arm of industry count of this £9,000. All other railway property that it has been bound up by extravagance on the was diminished in value, by similar causes, in a greater one hand, or old monopoly on the other? If nations or lesser proportion. But if all railway property were do not trade with us, we are assured that they must offered for sale together, it might be liad for an old injure themselves; but what do we gain by their loss ? || song, yet the debentures would not change. An Irish That helps us not. They may become wretched in estate, from which all the farmers have combined to sharing our misery, without alleviating our distress. sweep off corn and cattle and pay no rent, will bring The disjointed colonies, we are told, will not increase | very little in the market. A man with ten thousand their import duties on our goods after they are fairly || a year may dic of starvation, in one of his own ditches, in business for themselves; but who anthorised any | under these circumstances. A cotton mill will be bad man to make that statement? The lying spirit tlat | wonderfully cheap, if there be no cotton to spio, or tempted statesmen to believe Hr. Bancroft, and trust merchants refuse the yarns at any price. All tbese in his promises of reciprocity from the United States. || catastrophies will not affect the weight and sharpness of The democracy of the colonies will do what all other the debt pressing on the English people. It must be democracies in all ages have done, will yield to the paid, and therefore they must have business out of temptation of apparently providing for their own which to make profits, and pay interest. So they

cannot voluntarily cast away their colonial trafic, || enough, the Heathens are wiser than the Christians without dishonesty. Never fear, indeed, say those in this respect. Those new tariffs, again, that the who inferentially or directly advise that course; never Christian states, by courtesy so called, have recently fear—trade will flow in-demand will arise—if you || passed, are injurious to us. The United States talks buy you must sell somewhere, and to somebody. These of raising its duties. lIamburg has joined the Zollare all nice generalities. They are mere assumptions, verein. Switzerland has raised its rate of taxes on laid down without any proof of their accuracy. Hopes imports. The new Spanish tariff is an increased tax aud expectations are very fine, but they cannot be put on many goods, and on all secures the carrying trade into a ledger. We desiderate facts, and behold we by a differential duty added on goods brought by any are offered anticipatious, wishes, desires, hopes, Willcxcept Spanish vessels, of greater amount than the o'the Wisps-mere bog candles, the miasma of stag. | freight. nant minds. We can only buy if we sell. True, when All these facts will drive us backward, unless some our money is done, when our accumulated stock is decisive measures be soon adopted. Happy in a Parliasquandered; but we may neither sell nor buy largely, // ment that may live until 1952 or 1553, the Whig and is it a comfort to our operative classes that they | Ministry, more powerful in the press than any precedare to be led into misery by the new road instead of ling Administration, rejoice over their salaries-handthe old ? To all these statements, the ready answer some in amount, and paid quarterly. But they do is questions--Are not the working classes comfortable know, that the elections, as they occur, are not grati. now ? Is not food cheap, good, and abundant ? Are fying to their supporters. They have Ireland de. not work and wages fair in amount and quantity? We murely recurring to murder, as a daily practice, and do not deny this statement, but in the meantime we adding therсto the wholesale theft of crops. They have our colonial trade, impaired in some instances, have all the colonies at war with their secretary and but still existing, and in the present year greatly in- bis staff. They liave Jamaica, Guiana, and other poscreasing. Even with its increase, our exports have sessions, refusing to levy taxes, and running up arrears not kept pace with our imports. The returns of the which this overpressed British people must clear away. Board of Trade, quoted in the press as the evidence of All these misunderstandings exist because the Colonial glowing prosperity, prove the reverse. All the jour. Office, in a body, have registered a vow, at the respecnals quote them exultingly, because these returns are tive bankers of the various gentlemen, against paying one-sided. They give a money value to our exports to their friends, or taking for themselves, a peuny or which is presumed to be correct, and is, nevertheless, || a pound less than was in the bonds. The Cape Town a mere assumption. The price pnt down may be rea-colony refused one of our exports-our surplus fellised in the continental and colonial trades, but many oury—and by their determination beat Earl Grey and cxports to the independent States of America do not his “ merry men all;" but the Cape Town has a produce their nominal value. Some large manufac- | talented soldier as governor ; and who, while he exlurers treat the States markets as safety valves, into pressed his determination to enforce the law, conwhich they throw their surplus goods, and take their cealed not his conviction that the imports of felons chance of prices. We cannot, therefore, feel assured were unuecessary, and highly prejudicial. Port Philip, that our exports produce the value put on them in the most assuredly, will gain a similar triumph. Any returns of the Board of Trade, but the price of the colony, not in the fangs of the family, can beat the imports can be easily ascertained. The returns in the Olice in the long run; but those unfortunate possesmeantime are deceptive. The tigures are not cooked, sions, once handed over to one of “our cousins,” are but the system is doctored. Mr. Newdegate, a pro- in a bad way for constitutional redress. tective member, anxious to return to protection and The colonies are in danger. The empire is parting. monopoly, published a pamphlet, some time ago, in | We are in the progress downwards, and commence which lie endeavoured to show that the balance of our second millennium, as Anglo-Saxons, with bad protrade for several years was largely against this country. I spects, unless our policy be decisively and rapidly The pamphlet was vigorously assailed, and holes were changed. cut in it by the exponents of the existing nondescript What, then, do we require? We are neither retrogres ystem of trading in this country. They found out, sive, conservative, nor obstructive. These terminations or said that they had discovered, one mistake here and suit us not. We are for progress. It is a good word, inother there; but the plain and vexing fact remains, and implies a necessity. We must progress bakwards hat while our exports have increased in 1819 over 15:18, or onwards. Now we are going back. Pepl's imet our imports have grown far more rapidly. If any pulse sent us on a bad track. Ile is a plausible Dan will take pen in hand, and calculate the cost of leader, and accused by his party of deserting them— rain imported in 1819, he will discover the excess of Ile may only have played a deep game for their good. he present year hitherto over 1818 to be more than Quintus Curtius-like, lie rode his horses, pride and I the increase of our exports, even at their nominal | place; into the gull, and bade it close to save his alue. We have also been importing other articles friends. He found true free trade inevitable, and hit ore largely, and the balance of trade is this year, up out a mixture, under the name, that would not work,

10th October, against us by a sum of at least in the hope that the sickened patient would fall back 4,000,000, likely to be made £5,000,000 or £6,000,000 into the practice of the old pills, and the prescriptions efore we close. A minute examination into these of the old doctor. This is one solution of his moveetails will disclose the fact, that our great additional ments, and it may be not less true than others. les have been colonial, or to those markets where We want free trade as a world's blessing-a bond ir goods are admitted almost free-to China, to of peace—a source of mutual and cver-growing happiurkey, and equally liberal powers; for, strang-ly || ness and prosperity; but it is the trade expounded in

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