India in safety after a somewhat protracted navigation, and obtained a reward of £10,000 from government for his daring voyage. If we contrast this performance with the voyages now advertised in "Bradshaw,' at the single port of Southampton alone, we shall find that, wonderful as Captain Johnson's voyage was in 1825 (and that it was astonishing the reward of £10,000 is sufficient voucher), the growth of steam power upon the ocean is far more surprising still.

In 1827 the celebrated Captain Waghorn turned his attention towards India, viâ Suez, and in the same year a steamer was built in Bombay, and named the Hugh Lindsey, which made the first passage from Bombay to Suez in 1830. In this latter named year sailing packets were discontinued as mail packets to the Mediterranean, when the Meteor, government steamer, left Falmouth for the first time on the 5th of February with the mails for that sea, and returned to Falmouth after a voyage of forty-seven days, being only one quarter of the time usually occupied by sailing packets on the same route. Notwithstanding this important step on the road to India, it still required a period of five years to arrange and smooth down all the difficulties that stood in the way of a rapid transit to the East by way of Suez; but in February, 1835, the route was opened, the Hugh Lindsey coming from Bombay to Suez down the Red Sea to meet the mails and passengers from England, via Alexandria.

Captain Johnson's bold voyage to India was therefore productive of no very important result. In fact, steam voyages to India via the Cape have been up to the present time failures as commercial speculations. But as we intend to return to this route presently, we shall leave it for the moment, and turn our gossiping research to transatlantic steam navigation, the next grand step made by the "giant" steam.

It is a somewhat remarkable fact that attention was but slowly directed towards the importance and facility of steam communication between Great Britain and the United States. This reluctance was in some degree to be attributed to the knowledge that any company would have great difficulties to contend with in overcoming the attractions of the splendid sailing packets, then already occupying the seas between England and America. But steam was ready to try conclusions with any packets that ever floated. It must however be admitted that an extra effort was made on this occasion. Admiral Steam's broad black pennant had swept off the seas all our sailing packets, and it was now to try its power against the American packets, the best ever known. How well we remember the building of the Great Western, the champion that was selected to combat with these formidable "liners" of the United States. What important paragraphs appeared in the daily papers at the period of her construction. Her dimensions was a wonder of itself. All sorts of accidents were to happen to her. She was too big; she would break her back. Then a celebrated savant demonstrated, in a series of ways, the impossibility of her being able to steam to New York. She couldn't carry sufficient coals; she never would pay, and that meant that she couldn't succeed. Nothing daunted, however, this stupendous vessel was mainly brought forth by the exertions of Captain C. Claxton, R.N., to whom a passing tribute of praise is due for his unwearied exertions to unite England and America by a band

of not hostile, but friendly fire-ships, thus amicably cementing the great Anglo-Saxon family together by the bonds of self-interest, the last to be broken. She was the first full-powered steamer that ever crossed the Atlantic, although the Sirius is by some supposed to claim that honour, but the subjoined dates will rectify that error. The Sirius left Cork, according to her log, on the 4th of April, 1838, and arrived at New York on the evening of the 23rd of the same month. The Great Western left Bristol on the 8th of the same month, and arrived at New York on the morning' of the 23rd, or a few hours before the Sirius, although the last named vessel left England four days before the Great Western.

The arrival of these two steamers created the greatest sensation in New York; and very important results followed. Men leapt at once into great designs, and accomplished in a few years the work of previous ages. Everything connected with transatlantic steaming was upon a grand scale. The vessels' names even partook of this idea. The Great Western and the Great Britain were our earliest efforts, and these vessels were equal in tonnage to line-of-battle ships. Almost the first fruits produced by them was the restoration of the trade between England and America to British bottoms, which, until their pioneer voyages, had been chiefly confined to the American sailing packets.

66

The building of the Great Britain was one of the most important steps in ocean steaming. It was a gigantic experiment, not only in the use of material but in the description of the propeller. In comparison of the Great Britain, all that had yet been done in the building of iron vessels was almost in miniature. It should, however, be remembered that the Great Britain, when first laid down in 1839, was intended for a paddle-steamer; but before she was half finished the Archimedes, fitted with Smith's screw," was developing its fuel-saving powers, and this induced Mr. Brunel, the engineer, to adapt this ship to the screw. This vessel's career as an Atlantic packet was short, but she produced an important effect upon the price of fares to America, which were reduced considerably, owing to the relatively small expense of working so large a ship. One of the most important results, however, produced by the building of the Great Britain was the impetus given to the construction of large iron ships, which, if we may judge from the specimen now rapidly being completed at Millwall, bids fair to produce a new era not only in naval architecture, but in ocean steamers also.

(To be continued.)

NOTES ON MILITARY SCIENCE.

ADDRESSED TO CANDIDATES FOR COMMISSIONS.

(Continued from No. 338, p. 93.)
LECTURE VII.

We have now arrived at an epoch in history interesting to all who study the rise and fall of nations and kingdoms; and doubly interesting to those who, true soldiers in heart, accompany, in imagination, the conquerors of the world in their onward march from clime to clime.

I will not pause to examine whether the theory is true or false that civilization follows the sword, nor compare the ignorance or bigotry of nations with wounds of the body, in which vulnus immedicabile incidit ense; let it suffice at present for me to state, that in many instances the furrows in the bloody track of conquerors have been levelled or obliterated by the arts and sciences which followed the blessings of peace. Viewing, therefore, the subject philosophically, much as we may deplore the wholesale slaughter of primitive nations, it is scarcely to be disputed that ultimate good has arisen from present evil, and that conquered nations have from their very conquerors acquired knowledge and habits of industry, that rendered them more worthy to become the denizens of a civilized world. Bearing this in mind, we will take a survey of the campaigns of Cæsar, whose boundless ambition, like that of Alexander, was confined to no territory, or climate; and whose career, similar to that of his predecessor, was abruptly terminated, affording another instance of the mutability of good fortune, and the reckless and insatiable love of conquest, or personal ambition, which guided the actions of the Grecian and Roman conquerors.

Casar's first campaign in Gaul, B.C. 58.-Let me now direct your attention to this campaign, in which instances of military science will be manifested on the part of the Roman leader, and also full proofs appear that mere numerical superiority will not ensure victory, or even avail much against the assaults of well disciplined and resolute soldiers.

The levies of Cæsar were still incomplete, when intelligence reached him that the Helvetii had assembled their collective forces at the western outlet of the Lake Lemanus, the whole population amounting to 368,000, 92,000 of which bore arms. Cæsar immediately joined the legion on the Rhone, and broke down the bridge at Geneva, thus opposing an obstacle to the advance of the Helvetians, who made preparations to cross the river in the face of their enemies. Vain were their efforts, for the legion of Cæsar had in a few days constructed a rampart and ditch, of about fifteen miles in length; which, aided by the impetuosity of the stream, and the danger of the fords, effectually prevented the passage of the Helvetians, who boldly attempted to cross by day and by night, with boats and rafts, or even by swimming. Frustrated in their endeavours to effect the passage of the Rhone, the Helvetians pursued their course on the right bank, and marched through the country of the Edui, followed by Caesar, who, on arriving near Bibracte, the capital of the Ædui, ceased from pursuit, and directed his march to the city to secure the supply of provisions required for his troops. This unexpected movement of Cæsar was considered by the Helvetii a symptom of weakness, or timidity, and they, in their turn, became the pursuers. Thus was fortuitously gained the long desired object of Cæsar, and preparations were made for a decisive battle. The side of a hill was selected for the Roman position; the infantry was ranged in three lines, the raw levies being in reserve on the summit, and the cavalry being posted in the plain to sustain the first shock of the assailants. Leaving their baggage, and wagons, in the rear, the Helvetii advanced to the charge in compact order, and the Roman cavalry retired without confusion upon the lines of infantry. Dismounting from his charger, Cæsar ordered the cavalry also to dismount, and the horses to be sent to the rear, ex

claiming, "When I have won the battle I shall want my horse for the pursuit, at present let us march on foot against the enemy."

Resolutely did the Gauls advance in close array, holding their shields above their heads to resist the anticipated discharge of arrows and stones. This defensive barrier was, however, totally impotent when opposed to the massive pilum of the Roman infantry, which pierced through the wooden targets, and deprived the bearers of the free use of their arms. The barbarian phalanx, thus shaken and confused, was attacked by the Romans with drawn swords, and the soldiers were forced to abandon their entangled shields, and to take refuge on another hill about a mile distant, where they were hotly pursued, and eventually driven up the acclivity. At this critical period of the battle, the arrival of the Boii and Tulungi checked the further advance of the Romans, and the conflict raged with equal fury on all sides, in the space between the two hills. The Gauls were at last forced to retreat for shelter to their rampart of baggage and wagons, courageously facing their opponents, and obstinately, though vainly, attempting to destroy their resolute assailants. At this stage of the conflict the women and children left with the baggage joined in the encounter, and courageously assisted in the defence of the baggage. Finally, the prowess and discipline of the Romans prevailed over the barbarian horde of combatants, who were slaughtered in great numbers until nightfall, when the remainder of them escaped from the field, and in four days reached the borders of the territory of the Lingones.

Accompanying Cæsar in his march of conquest, the next memorable encounter is that in which Ariovistus, the king of the Germans, led his forces against the conquerors of the Gauls. The two armies were twenty-four miles apart, that of Cæsar being enclosed in a large entrenched camp, in expectation of an attack of the Suevi, whose lines were established between him and Vesontio, from whence his supplies were drawn. Cæsar, being desirous to bring on a general action, for several days in succession drew up his forces in front of the position of the Germans, in the hope of their accepting the challenge; but the Germans, generally impetuous and eager for the fray, declined meeting him in the open field, and did not venture to assault his entrenched camp.

This reserve of the Germans was attributable solely to the advice of their women, who had consulted together, and declared that their countrymen could not be victorious if they commenced the attack before the new moon.

The cause of the enemy's inactivity having been made known to Cæsar, he judiciously availed himself of their superstition, and, moving from his original position, entrenched his army in a second camp in rear of their position-thus re-establishing his own communications, and placing his opponents in such a position that a battle became unavoidable. After one or two indecisive skirmishes, the whole German host issued from its camp into the plain, spread out in battle array, tribe by tribe, women and children in the rear intermingled with the wagons; thus apparently with a view to prevent the possibility of flight. The Germans advanced in the form of a huge phalanx, with their shields raised like an enormous coat of mail over their heads. Discharging their pila on the barbarian host, the Romans rushed, sword in hand, on

the unwieldy mass, each man selecting his own object of attack, and manfully striving for victory. Unable to break the compact lines of the well-covered enemy, they courageously sprung upon the serried shields, and either pierced with the points of their swords the halfstifled bearers, or exposed themselves to inevitable death by falling into the midst of their enemies. At length the right wing of the Germans became disordered, broke, and fled; but the left wing remained unvanquished, resolutely presenting a bold front to the enemy, and proving itself superior to the forces opposed to it. At this eventful stage of the conflict the reserve of the Romans was brought into the field, eager for the encounter, and bent on discomfiting the hitherto unconquered left wing. This fresh attack of the Romans was irresistible: the Germans were totally routed, and the fugitives, in wild confusion, tumultuously burst through the barrier of wagons in their rear, and fled precipitately towards the Rhine, leaving to the victors their families and their baggage.

This victory closed the first campaign of Cæsar. The Gallic soil was delivered from the German invaders, and the Roman army was marched into winter quarters in the country of the Sequani.

Cæsar's second campaign in Gaul, B.C. 57.-The following year was pregnant with important events, and a winter's calm was to be followed by a summer's storm, to resist the effects of which all the energies of the master-mind of Cæsar would be required. The Romans had established their influence over the Sequani and the Ædui, and the Remi were also in coalition with them; but the other Belgian tribes, unconquered in war and uncorrupted by avarice, united themselves together and rose in arms, bringing into the field a body of combatants amounting to 290,000 men. The Remi alone having refused to join the confederation, against this nation the united forces at first directed their attack. To avert the consequences of this, the Remi appealed to Cæsar, who promised them the protection of the Republic, and immediately took measures for their independence and defence.

Thus was opened the second campaign, and under no favourable auspices, for a host of enemies were arrayed against the Romans, and the probabilities of success were clouded with difficulties and dangers. But Cæsar's heart quailed not; his legions advanced to the banks of the Axona, which they crossed, and, having formed an intrenched camp, resolutely awaited the attack of their multitudinous enemies. The Gallo-Germans having progressed towards the Roman position, Cæsar paused before venturing to attack them; but in a short time, gaining confidence from the successful result of some cavalry skirmishes, he resolved to challenge a general engagement. An instance of true military science was apparent in all the dispositions of the Roman proconsul, who, aware of the preponderating force of the enemy and their reputation for superior prowess, trusted for victory not only to the valour and discipline of his troops, but also to the assistance of nature and art, both of which his master-mind saw clearly might be advantageously called into requisition in the forthcoming general engagement. His camp, placed on the summit of a gentle hill, afforded space in front for the evolutions of six legions; his rear reclined upon the river, over which was a bridge covered by an earthwork and guarded by a detach