institute such rules respecting elections as to lead to the choice of one description of men. The weakness of the representation tends but too certainly to confer on the rich and well-born all honors; but the power granted in this article may be so exercised as to secure it almost beyond a possibility of control. The proposed Congress may make the whole State one district, and direct that the capital (the city of New York, for instance) shall be the place for holding the election; the consequence would be, that none but men of the most elevated rank in society would attend, and they would as certainly choose men of their own class, as it is true what the Apostle Paul saith, "that no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it." They may declare that those members who have the greatest number of votes shall be considered as duly elected; the consequence would be that the people, who are dispersed in the interior parts of the State, would give their votes for a variety of candidates, while any order, or profession, residing in populous places, by uniting their interests, might procure whom they pleased to be chosen, and by this means the representatives of the State may be elected by one-tenth part of the people who actually vote. This may be effected constitutionally, and by one of those silent operations which frequently takes place without being noticed, but which often produces such changes as entirely to alter a government, subvert a free constitution, and rivet the chains on a free people before they perceive they are forged. Had the power of regulating elections been left under the direction of the State legislatures, where the people are not only nominally but substantially represented, it would have been secure; but if it was taken out of their hands, it surely ought to have been fixed on such a basis as to have put it out of the power of the Federal legislature to deprive the people of it by law. Provision should have been made for marking out the States into districts, and for choosing, by a majority of votes, a person out of each of them, of permanent property and residence in the district which he was to repre

sent.

If the people of America will submit to a Constitution that will vest in the hands of any body of men a right to deprive them by law of the privilege of a fair election, they will submit

to almost any thing. Reasoning with them will be in vain, they must be left until they are brought to reflection by feeling oppression. They will then have to wrest from their oppressors, by a strong hand, that which they now possess, and which they may retain if they will exercise but a moderate share of prudence and firmness.

I know it is said that the dangers apprehended from this clause are merely imaginary, that the proposed general legislature will be disposed to regulate elections upon proper principles, and to use their power with discretion, and to promote the public good. On this, I would observe, that constitutions are not so necessary to regulate the conduct of good rulers as to restrain that of bad ones. Wise and good men will exercise power so as to promote the public happiness under any form of government. If we are to take it for granted that those who administer the government under this system will always pay proper attention to the rights and interests of the people, nothing more was necessary than to say who should be invested with the powers of government, and leave them to exercise it at will and pleasure. Men are apt to be deceived, both with respect to their own dispositions and those of others. Though this truth is proved by almost every page of the history of nations, to wit, that power, lodged in the hands of rulers to be used at discretion, is almost always exercised to the oppression of the people, and the aggrandizement of themselves; yet most men think if it was lodged in their hands they would not employ it in this manner. Thus when the prophet Elisha told Hazael, "I know the evil that thou wilt do unto the children of Israel; their strongholds wilt thou set on fire, and their young men wilt thou slay with the sword, and wilt dash their children, and rip up their women with child." Hazael had no idea that he ever should be guilty of such horrid cruelty, and said to the prophet, "Is thy servant a dog that he should do this great thing." Elisha answered, "The Lord hath showed me that thou shalt be king of Syria." The event proved, that Hazael only wanted an opportunity to perpetrate these enormities without restraint, and he had a disposition to do them, though he himself knew it not.

BRUTUS.

LETTERS.

[The following letters are quoted for the purpose of giving an idea of the interest which was felt throughout the country, in the progress of the discussion in Massachusetts. The two letters from Knox to Livingston were kindly furnished to the Committee by Mr. George Bancroft. The others have been copied from the "Writings of Washington," edited by Mr. Jared Sparks, and the "Correspondence of the Revolution," by the same learned and faithful editor.]

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER FROM HENRY KNOX.

NEW YORK, 14 January, 1788.

The Massachusetts Convention were to meet on the 9th. The decision of Connecticut will influence, in a degree, their determination, and I have no doubt the Constitution will be adopted in Massachusetts. But it is at this moment questionable whether it will be by a large majority. There are three parties existing in that State at present, differing in their numbers, and greatly differing in their wealth and talents.

The first is the commercial part of the State, to which are added all the men of considerable property, the clergy, the lawyers, including the judges of all the courts, and all the officers of the late army, and also the neighborhood of all the great towns. Its numbers may include three-sevenths of the State. This party are for the most vigorous government. Perhaps many of them would have been still more pleased with the new Constitution, had it been more analagous to the British constitution.

The second party are the eastern part of the State, lying beyond New Hampshire, formerly the province of Maine. This party are chiefly looking towards the erection of a new State, and the majority of them will adopt or reject the new Constitution as it may facilitate or retard their designs, without regarding the merits of the great question; this party, two-sevenths.

The third party are the insurgents, or their favorers, the great majority of whom are for an annihilation of debts, public and private; and therefore they will not approve the new Constitution; this party, two-sevenths.

If the first and second party agree, as is most probable, and also some of the party stated as in the insurgent interest, the Constitution will be adopted by a great majority, notwithstanding all the exertions to the contrary.

JAMES MADISON, IN CONGRESS, TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

[EXTRACT.]

NEW YORK, 20 January, 1788.

The intelligence from Massachusetts begins to be very ominous to the Constitution. The anti-Federal party is reinforced by the insurgents, and by the province of Maine, which apprehends greater obstacles to her scheme of a separate government from the new system, than may be otherwise experienced. And according to the prospect at the date of the latest letters, there was very great reason to fear, that the voice of that State would be in the negative. The operation of such an event on this State may easily be foreseen. Its legislature is now sitting, and is much divided. A majority of the Assembly are said to be friendly to the merits of the Constitution. A majority of the senators actually convened are opposed to a submission of it to the Convention. The arrival of the absent members will render the voice of that branch uncertain on the point of a Convention. The decision of Massachusetts either way will involve the result in this State. The minority in Pennsylvania is very restless under their defeat. If they can get an Assembly to their wish, they will endeavor to undermine what has been done there. If backed by Massachusetts, they will probably be emboldened to make some more rash experiment. The information from Georgia continues to be favorable. The little we get from South Carolina is of the same complexion.

JAMES MADISON, IN CONGRESS, TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, 25 January, 1788.

Dear Sir:-I have been favored, since my last, with yours of the 10th instant, with a copy of the Governor's letter to the Assembly. I do not know what impression the latter may make in Virginia. It is generally understood here that the arguments contained in it in favor of the Constitution are much stronger than the objections which prevented his assent. His arguments are forcible in all places, and with all persons. His objections are connected with his particular way of thinking on the subject, in which many of the adversaries to the Constitution do not concur.

The information from Boston by the mail, on the evening before last, has not removed our suspense. The following is an extract of a letter from Mr. King, dated on the 16th instant:

"We may have three hundred and sixty members in our Convention. Not more than three hundred and thirty have yet taken their seats. Immediately after the settlement of elections, the Convention resolved that they would consider and freely deliberate on each paragraph, without taking a question on any of them individually; and that, on the question whether they would ratify, each member should be at liberty to discuss the plan at large. This resolution seems to preclude the idea of amendments, and hitherto the measure has not been suggested. I however do not, from this circumstance, conclude that it may not hereafter occur.

"The opponents of the Constitution moved that Mr. Gerry should be requested to take a seat in the Convention, to answer such inquiries as the Convention should make concerning facts which happened in the passing of the Constitution. Although this seems to be a very irregular proposal, yet, considering the jealousies which prevail with those who made it, (who are certainly not the most enlightened part of the Convention,) and the doubt of the issue, had it been made a trial of strength, several friends of the Constitution united with the opponents, and the resolution was agreed to, and Mr. Gerry has taken his seat.