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of his decree, almost as soon as it was begun. As the immediate effect of the decree was only temporary, and the Jews in general then wished for a change in their condition, there was neither time nor disposition for those commotions which took place when the Census was actually made, after the banishment of Archelaus; and the circumstances which really took place, might be lost sight of in subsequent occurrences.

In the two foregoing paragraphs I think I have given the real state of the case; but this is not necessary to the vindication of the authenticity of Luke's Introduction.

I have now only to offer some remarks on the assertions of Chronos, as far as they affect my statements.

Translating ch. iii. 23, as Wakefield and the Improved Version do, in conformity with the Public Version, he maintains, not only that Christ must have been somewhere between 29 and 301⁄2 at his baptism, but also, (p. 257,) that "he could not have passed through the first half of the limited year," in other words, that "he must have been baptized before he had completed his 30th year." If, therefore, he concludes, "with Dr. Carpenter, his baptism be placed in 782, his birth must be placed in 752." Even allow ing all this, it appears from col. 4 of the foregoing Table, that no chronological difficulty attends the Introduc

tion.

Warped (it is reasonable to suppose) by his antipathy to the Introduction, Chronos has adopted a rendering of ch. iii. 23 which (in his own judgment) throws upon Luke an incongruity between agxouevos (beginning) and do, (about,) which, in the words of Campbell, "confounds the meaning, and leaves the reader entirely at a loss." Chronos knew of the rendering in Newcome's Translation, for he speaks of it; but he neither tells the reader what it is, nor attempts to shew that it is unfounded. And yet, if that rendering be the true one, Christ might have been nearly thirty-one at his baptism, without any impeachment of the minute accuracy of Luke. But then the chronological difficulty respecting the Introduction vanishes

at once; for if our Lord were more than thirty but less than thirty-one at his baptism in February 782, then he was born after that month in 751; and even if Herod died in March 750, there is nothing in the Introduction to prevent our placing the birth of Christ above a year after the death of Herod, say in April 751.

But Chronos says there is. Every supposition I have stated, places the annunciation of the birth of the Baptist in the reign of Herod: Chronos considers the Introduction as placing the birth of Christ also in the reign of Herod. Even if it did, allowing the later date of the death of Herod, (early in 751,) the 3d column of my Table shews that there is still no chronological difficulty. But I see nothing to require us to place the birth of Christ before the death of Herod. Chronos says, (p. 262,) "Elizabeth is stated to have conceived 'in the days' wherein the Lord looked on her, (i. 25,) that is, immediately after the appearance of the angel. 'After those days,' that is, those days of Herod which followed immediately after, she conceived, and hid herself five months (ver. 24)." Chronos only looks to find objections, and therefore does not discern truth.

The historian says, ver. 23, that "as soon as the days of his (Zacharias's) ministration were accomplished, he departed to his own house;" and, in the next verse, that "after these days" (assuredly the days of Zacharias's ministration) "his wife Elizabeth conceived, and hid herself five months:" in which there is nothing whatever implying that this occurred "immediately" (as Chronos strangely says) "after the appearance of the angel;" nor any thing which refers to the reign of Herod.

If the expression "after those days," in ver. 24, have no reference to "the days of Herod," in ver. 3, those marks of time which occur in ver. 39, and in ch. ii. 1, can have no necessary reference to "the days of Herod ;" and in my judgment they have none at all.

I am no advocate for shrinking from the closest examination of things held true and sacred; but let it be conducted in the spirit of truth and in the love of it; and if I understand the characteristics of that spirit, I am

obliged to deny it to Chronos. When he talks of the "son of a phantom," and of casting out "the phantom and its son," he ought to know that he is guilty of an unworthy misrepresentation of the doctrine of miraculous conception. Adam was not the "son of a phantom," because he was created by the immediate agency of divine power. It is by such arts as these that Christianity is assailed by some Unbelievers; and Unitarianism, by some who think themselves the only Christians. Let the Unitarian leave them to his opponents: they disgrace any cause; at least they disgrace those who use them.

Let the doctrine of miraculous conception, if false, be argued down; but it ought not to be attacked with all the associated imaginations derived from the ribaldry of the scorner, or the follies of its injudicious advocates.

As to the Introduction of Luke, I see no reason to deny its genuineness. I cannot estimate its evidence as of equal weight with those parts of the Gospel which respect the ministry of Christ: St. Luke could scarcely have had such indubitable means of knowledge with respect to the events recorded in the Introduction, as he possessed for those which occurred thirty years after. But the diligent research, sound judgment, and faithful accuracy, which his invaluable writings shew to have been his constant characteristics, will not allow me to withhold my assent to facts which he has recorded, and which he obviously believed with undoubting credit, till better cause is assigned than the "fabulous appearance" of some parts of the things related. I am not without a perception of the difficulty attending some parts of the Introduction: but, taken generally, I think the history of great moment; and among the great objects which the events recorded would accomplish, were the strengthening the expectations which even then existed of the near approach of the Messiah; the preparing Mary to watch with peculiar assiduity over the spiritual growth of one who was to be holy from his birth; and the training of Jesus himself to that character of mind, and in that culture of holy faith and obedience, which made him eminently fitted for the great work before

him. The character of Jesus, as we know it must have been before his great work commenced from what we see of it afterwards, affords to my nind a powerful evidence to the general authenticity of the Introduction.

The most weighty difficulties which have operated against its credibility, are those of a chronological nature; and they vanish when the Introduction to St. Matthew's Gospel is relinquished. Both accounts, as far as I can judge, cannot be true; but Luke's Introduction ought not to be attacked through the most incredible parts of the Narrative prefixed to Matthew's Gospel. This Chronos has done (p. 258); and in a manner which has none of the characters of "truth and soberness" to recommend it.

Even if I could spare time, I should be indisposed to examine all the statements in the Letter and Postscript of Chronos, which I deem utterly unfounded; some of them appear to have been made to try the credulity of the reader; and the investigation of the rest is less necessary, because the randomness of the manner in which he argues and asserts is so striking, that few who are accustomed to think and reason on critical and theological subjects, can be so far misled as to take Chronos for authority.

I

SIR,

LANT CARPENTER.

EXPECTED much pleasure from the reply of Dr. Smith, and I was not disappointed. [See Mon. Repos. XVI. 354, and present Vol. p. 152.] The candour, the truly Christian spirit, the ability and research which characterise that reply, render it a pleasing specimen of the manner in which theological controversies should be conducted. But my admirable opponent has left unnoticed the strong parts of my letter. I therefore purpose in this paper to concentrate my views of the disputed passage in the Philippians, noticing as I proceed some of the positions advanced by the Doctor.

Our blessed Lord, in his last journey to Jerusalem, laid before his disciples, in the clearest terms, the sufferings that awaited him: and farther to pre

pare them for that event, he assumed, in the presence of three of them, a form splendid as the sun, and symbolical of the change which awaited him after his resurrection. Peter, who was much distressed at the thought that his Divine Master was to undergo a cruel death, greedily laid hold of the magnificent scene before him as a happy means of averting the terrible event. And he expressed himself to this effect: "Master, let us stay here and not go to Jerusalem; for the splendour of thy appearance, and the testimony of Moses and Elias, will bring all men to the spot, and even thy enemies will in consequence hail thee as the expected Messiah." Now I maintain that this is the very circumstance to which Paul alludes when he says of Christ, "Who being in the form of God, did not think this divine form a thing to be caught at as the means of avoiding death; but he divested himself of it, and became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross." Now Dr. Smith remarks, that this allusion to the transfiguration is conjectural; that, if true, it would be more definite; and that, on the same supposition, the original mapy would be the past participle raptas. To remove the first of these objections, it is only necessary to shew that the phrase "form of God" is an exact description of the transfiguration.

It is well known that the term god in the genitive is often used by Hebrew, and even Greek writers, to denote pre-eminence. Thus the words "power of God," denote " a mighty power;" a "trumpet of God," a loud or awful trumpet; a "wind of God,” a violent tempest, or, as Homer writes, a "cloud of Jupiter," as a dark, tempestuous cloud. On the same principle, a "form of God" may mean a very splendid form. Dr. Smith knows that Greek writers sometimes use Se exclusively to mean Apollo, or The reason of this is to be sought in the origin of the word. The Hebrew my, zoe, to command, exists in Arabic in the form of Saos, to illumine or shine. The same word obtains in Persian, but is pronounced zee (which, through the medium of the Gothic, is the parent of our see and shew, the former of which means to perceive, the latter to exhibit, in the light). The Persian and Chaldean

the sun.

sages considered light as the emblem of God, and called the Benevolent Principle by that name. Hence the origin of Jos: and this etymology is confirmed by a remark of Aristotle, namely, that the Spartans pronounced Seos, as: and thus the two different modes of pronouncing the term among the Greeks corresponded to the different pronunciations of it among the Arabic and Persians. Nor were the writers of the New Testament ignorant of the primary import and origin of the word, as they seem to allude to it when they say that "God is light," and call him "Father of lights."

The history of our Lord's transfiguration is connected with his crucifixion, and founded on it. Peter seized the former as a plea to avoid the latter. The drift of the disciple's meaning is omitted in the narrative, and it is remarkable that the apostle in copying the narrative has copied also the omis sion, and the ellipsis has rendered the passage forced and unnatural in the extreme. Let the ellipsis be supplied from the Gospel, and the words of our apostle become as clear and natural as the light. And here let me ask, what can more decisively prove the truth of an allusion, than that it gives ease, grace and perspicuity to a paragraph which has hitherto baffled all the efforts of criticism to render it intelligible? If one key can, and ninety-nine keys cannot, open a lock without violence, is it conjectural that this is the true key? If the apostle Paul uses terms which with the utmost propriety describe the transfiguration of our Saviour, and his conduct on that occasion, is it conjectural that he alludes to that scene? Indeed, my learned and excellent friend is not so happy here as he commonly is in the use of his terms.

The

The Doctor quotes the following assertion of Chrysostom as illustrative of his own notion: "As the form of a servant signifies no other than real and perfect man, so the form of God signifies no other than God." form of any visible object may mean that object itself, for this very reason, that it has always been associated with it, has always appeared under it as an external mark peculiar to that object and that alone, precisely by the same association of ideas that the name of a thing stands for the thing itself. But

has God any external form? Does he appear unto men under any sensible figure, which induces them to associ ate that figure with him as an index of his nature and essence? If not, the maxim of Chrysostom is a piece of sophistry utterly unworthy of Dr. Smith. The form of a man may mean 'a real, perfect man, because that man and his form are in our minds the result of invariable associations: but the form of God cannot mean God, because no such associations could ever take place in the human mind. And there must be an end to all rational criticism, if a word that implies only a sensible appearance can be perverted to mean a Being who is infinitely remote from all perceptions of sense. And yet on this perversion, gross as it appears, is founded the interpretation of this passage given by the orthodox divines.

Dr. Smith supposes, that if the apostle alluded to the transfiguration, he would have used the past participle, iapas, instead of rapxay, the present, as necessary to mark the previous change which Jesus underwent before his crucifixion. The remark is ingenious, and argues a critical skill in the language. I will illustrate its justness by an example:-In the beginning of the Iliad, it is said of Agamemnon and Achilles, that, Epicate dialny, having quarrelled, they separated. Here the past participle implies that they quarrelled before they separated, and was the cause of their separation: and the phrase might be rendered, they separated in consequence of having quarrelled; whereas, if the poet used EpiCOTE, his meaning would have been that they separated while quarrelling. Let us apply this remark to the disputed verse. The Doctor maintains, that while Jesus suffered and died as a man, he was still alike incapable of suffering in his divine character. Now, if the apostle entertained this notion, it would have been indispensable in him to mark the difference of the two natures, and this would have been effectually done by the use of the past in the room of the present participle, as it would lead the reader to infer that Christ died on the cross in consequence of having previously disrobed himself of his divinity; whereas the use of the present participle unequivocally sanctions the

conclusion, that he expired in the very nature and character which he possessed when in the form of God. This leads me to observe, that an obvious and marked contrast is intended between vaрx and μopp, as the former comprehends the latent principles essential to the being and character of our Lord, while the latter denotes only an external appearance. These latent principles which constituted his nature remained till death unchanged, but his splendid form vanished away previously to his dissolution.

The apostle opposes those men who taught the divinity of Christ. His reference to these impostors is certain, because he mentions them by name: " Many are now going about, whom I have often mentioned to you, and now mention with tears, as enemies of the cross of Christ, whose end is their own destruction, (and not, as they pretend, the salvation of those whom they deceive,) whose God is their belly, and who glory in their shame." They were enemies to the cross of Christ because they maintained that he did not really suffer, he being a man only in appearance. But while they taught the divinity of our Saviour, they refused to acknowledge him as Lord; in other words, they denied any obligation on the part of the converts to obey his moral precepts and to imitate his virtuous example, the end of his appearance being not to preach repentance and reformation to the world, but to annul the righteous laws of the Creator, and to give full scope to the worst passions of the human heart. Their object, in short, was to neutralize the moral influence of the gospel, and this they sought to do by substituting in the room of its divine virtues the notions which the Pagan philosophers had of virtue, and to class the Founder with the Pagan gods. The high reputation of Aristotle, and the Ode which, though composed in praise of Virtue, breathes a spirit hostile to the peace and happiness of society, sanctions an abomination that cannot be named, fell in with the views of the deceivers. They therefore introduced it into the church at Philippi. Of this the apostle, though at a distance, could not be long ignorant, as he corresponded by every means with the several churches he had established. If the

apostle was not previously acquainted with this piece, a copy might have been sent by those in the church sincerely attached to him and his cause. In the Epistle which in consequence he addressed to the Philippians, he notices the Ode, and sets aside the infamous doctrine it contains. It was usual with the apostle to adopt any peculiar words which they might have used, and retort them in a new or modified sense. His object thus was to give a point to what he was saying, and to shew his readers that he was alluding to his opponents, who sought to deceive them. Thus the impostors said of Christ, that he was "in the resemblance of man," meaning that he was a mere phantom in a human form. Paul takes up the same phrase, and then sets it aside by adding that he was "found in frame a man," meaning, that he proved himself a real man by his trial and crucifixion. He deals in the same manner with the Ode of Aristotle; he copies the same words, or words, peculiar as they are, of the same import, and applies them to Christ in a new, beautiful, yet analogous sense, thus intending to contrast him with the personages which are mentioned in it. The poet calls Virtue μopn, a form-an object the most splendid, and to be hunted or captured, Onpaμa kanλ50-as conferring the fruits of immortality, κаρmov abavatov. Hermias was endowed with this splendid form, but he divested himself of this radiant figure, this effulgence of the sun, asio xpworey avyas, he, it is probable, having honourably fallen in battle. But the Muses rescue him from death, and advance him to immortality in the temple of their father Jupiter. The apostle has copied this train of ideas; and, peculiar as this train is, he has preserved it unbroken, and expressed it in nearly the same language. Jesus was invested with a form splendid as the sun. This splendid form was naturally a thing to be caught at, especially as it was the emblem of his glory and immortality; yet he did not seize it as the means of avoiding death. On the contrary, he laid it aside, and voluntarily submitted to the ignominious death of a slave. He does not, however, remain the victim of his enemies; his Almighty Father, as the reward of his obedience, raises him

VOL. XVII.

from the grave, and exalts him to immortal glory.

The impostors classed Jesus with the Heathen gods, and claimed for him the worship which was paid to Hercules and others. The heroes of Greece were eager for divine honours, and the most exalted philosophers of the Pagan world were not backward to gratify this pernicious vanity. Paul contrasts the conduct of Jesus of Nazareth with the objects of idolatrous superstition, and the direct scope of his words is to this effect: "Though endowed with power and wisdom from above, though once invested with a form surpassing the sun in brightness, and though announced by a voice from heaven as the beloved Son of God, he did not profess himself a God, he did not violently arrogate those attributes and worship which belong to Jehovah alone. On the contrary, he laid aside his supernatural endowments, and surrendered himself to be crucified." The Heathen divinities were worshiped, some in the heavens, some on the earth, some in hades. This is implied in the Ode of Aristotle; and the apostle proceeds to intimate that the gospel, so far from sanctioning the idolatrous practices of the Heathens, was intended to become the instrument of abolishing all idolatry; and that the name of Jesus, instead of himself becoming an object of worship, was to be the medium of worshiping the Father alone. "Therefore God has highly exalted him, and given him a name above every other name, that in the name of Jesus every knee, of those in the heavens, of those on the earth, and of those under the earth, shall bow-to the glory of God the Father."

The impostors were guilty of the foulest impurities. Paul (I Tim. i. 9, 10) gives a catalogue of their enormities, and among these he expressly mentions some as being αρσενοκοίται. It is a fact which is not known, but which ought to be known, that the very same men who opposed the apostle make a figure in the second Satire of Juvenal; and it is remarkable that their pretended veneration for Aristotle, and the atrocities here alluded to, are associated together, as in this Epistle: "Perfectissimus horum est, si quis Aristotelem similem vel Pittacon emit. Frontis nulla fides; omnis 2 z

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