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If these are just conclusions, Mr. Hume's reasonings carry with them more weight than has been hitherto attributed to them. But, in spite of Mr. Hume's subtleties, mankind will continue to reason with confidence from the relation of cause and effect. They will also assume to themselves the privilege of generalizing their ideas, and from similarity in different effects will infer similarity in their causes. And unless it shall be shewn by some solid argument, that an organized universe is not an effect, they will think that they cannot err in ascribing it to an intelligent though invisible Cause.

But it may, perhaps, be said, that we may as well rest in a self-existent universe as ascend beyond it to a self-existent God. Were the universe a mass of matter, without any indication of design, it might, for any thing that I am able to allege, be self-existent. But the marks of design, which it every where exhibits, stamps upon it the character of an effect which could be produced only by a designing cause. Between a harmonized universe and the idea of self-existence there is a repugnance, a repugnance founded on the experience which we have had of the connexion between contrivance and a contriver, between effects which indicate an adaptation of means to ends, and an intelligent agent by whom this adaptation was devised. But between the notion of intelligence and selfexistence there is no repugnance, and, for any thing that either experience or reason suggests to the contrary, intellect may exist uncreated. Something uncreated there must be; but as analogy forbids us to suppose that this something is an organized system, which seems to testify the operation of an intelligent contriver; it consequently leads us to conclude that this something is that incomprehensible Being whom we call God. I will conclude with the sentiment of the poet, in which even an Atheist will not refuse to join,

the strict unity of God than our Lord's answer to the Scribe, respecting the first commandment of all, Mark xii. 29, Kupios EOS &μwy Kupios dis esi, yet the opinions of learned men by no means agree as to the just translation of these important words, and I must confess myself not quite satisfied with any comments I have been able to consult. I am, therefore, induced to offer, with diffidence, to your readers the observations which have occurred to me upon it. The rendering of our authorized Version is, "The Lord our God is one Lord." The Improved Version, after Vitringa, Dr. Campbell and others, translates thus: "The Lord is our God: the Lord is one." A difference, the discussion of which has chiefly occupied commentators on the passage, yet it may, perhaps, be a question of still greater interest, and which involves in it the other, what is the most suitable translation of the word in this connexion. Our Lord answers the Scribe in a quotation from Deut. vi. 4, and in relating the discourse, the Evangelist Mark, according to the general custom of the New-Testament writers, employs the exact words of the Alexandrian Greek Version, which may be considered as having been, from its universal use, in a manner, an authorized version of their Scriptures, among all the Jews who spoke the Greek language at that period. The precise words spoken by Jesus himself, we cannot know: it is not unlikely they were taken from a Targum, somewhat resembling the later Chaldee one, which we now possess; but however this may be, Mark has done what is commonly done amongst us in translating religious books, he has copied the texts of Scripture in the translation generally known and valued by his readers.

As our best chance for obtaining satisfaction respecting the real meaning of the words under our consideration, we will revert to the original Hebrew of Deuteronomy, of which they are the

; יהוה אלהינו יהוה אחד-And if a God there is, that God how translation

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where the substantive verb being omitted, it must be determined by the sense whether the words make one clause or two, which seems to me to depend entirely on the question, whether ns, one, is immediately

both the Common Translation and that of the Improved Version equally connect it with Jehovah, of which name the Greek Kupios, is the representative, they are both almost equally objectionable. Jehovah, the proper and peculiar name of the God of Israel, being an appellative, and from its na ture denoting one object, would not have the attribute of singleness ascribed to it, which supposes the possibility of its including more than one. It would be just as rational to say, "George our king is one George," as if any one could need to be informed of his unity. The only supposition on which the language of the Common Translation or Improved Version could be justified is, that it was intended directly to contradict the doctrine of the Trinity, which will be embraced neither by its advocates nor by those who

believe it to have been first devised in a

later age. There is no other passage of Scripture in which unity is predi

cated of the name Jehovah, except Zech. xiv. 9, in which I conceive the

translation to be incorrect.

is an evil, an only evil," nns. In Zech. xiv. 9, our Common Version is, The Lord shall be king over all the earth,

In that day there shall be one Lord, and his name one.

But as the intention plainly is to prophesy of the authority of Jehovah being acknowledged, and his name adored, to the exclusion of other gods, it will certainly be a great improvement to render n as in the above examples:

i,

And Jehovah shall be king over all the
earth;

In that day shall Jehovah be alone :
e. as king or God.

And his name shall be the only one: sc. which shall be reverenced and honoured..

that the translation I have adopted is If it be allowed, as I think it must, we shall not, I apprehend, find much justifiable from the original words, difficulty with the ancient versions. I believe they all meant to convey the

same sense.

Latin

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The Targum of Onkelos and the Samaritan Version are liable to exactly the same remarks as the original. The other translations insert which it has been inferred, that they the substantive verb at the end, from took the whole to be one clause. The unus, the Greek is, (vide Schleusner in verb.) and the Syr. ↑, may all signify "only" or one alone." The Lord our God, the Lord is the one, or the only," sc. God, is a just translation of the Greek words, and that this was our Lord's meaning may appear, probable, from the echoing reply of the Scribe, "Well, Master, thou hast said the truth; for there is one God; and there is no other but he." The argument also drawn from the words, for the exclusive love of Jehovah, is plainly directed against the worship of many gods.

Dr. Geddes has, I think, translated the words of Moses more successfully than his predecessors "The Lord, the Lord only is our God;" where, though for the sake of clearness and conciseness, the one is changed into the adverb only, the quality of unity belongs to the word God, which is equally applicable to false as to the true God. The meaning is, "Jehovah is our God, Jehovah is the only God." The Hebrew Lexicons, to which I have access, do not indeed give to the word 78, the sense of only or alone; but there can be little doubt of its allowableness, as it is but a different application of the same idea, which is often expressed by the same word, not only in the kindred languages but in many others, besides which there occur to me some instances in justification of it. Job xxiii. 13: 1, "But On the whole, there is a material he is the only one," i. e. the Supreme difference between the propositions, God (vide Dathe in loc.); or, perhaps, "There is one God," and "God is "though he be alone, who can hinder one." The former is opposed to the him?" Song of Solomon vi. 9: "This opinions and practices of Pagans, and my dove, my most excellent is alone," is a simple and important truth--the nns, unrivalled in beauty-above all latter must appear a mere truism, the queen's concubines and virgins unless in reference to the doctrine of spoken of in the preceding verse. "She the Trinity, which all who disbelieve it is the only one (nn) of her mother, hold to have arisen much too late to the most beloved of her parent. "be directly contradicted in Scripture; (Dathe in loc.) Ezech. vii. 5: "There but, as in the text under our conside

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ration, "the Lord" is the representative of the proper name Jehovah, which was never used but of the true God, and which is as much an appellative as Moses, Isaiah or Jesus; the unity of the Lord is still more obviously a self-evident proposition, and the design must have been to assert that he is the only God, in opposition to the claims of all other pretended deities, and is, therefore, entitled to the whole of the religious affections of all his creatures-to express which sense we must render the words, "The Lord our God, the Lord is the only God;" or, if we please, in two clauses: "The Lord is our God; the Lord is the only God."

SIR,

W. HINCKS.

Clapton,

Jan. 19, 1822. OBSERVED, very lately, that Mr.

lications, had adopted, from a modern historian, what appears to me to have been an erroneous, though common opinion, respecting William III. Under this impression he represents that prince as favourable to religious liberty, more justly described as the civil right of all, publicly to profess their religious opinions, however differing from the conclusions of the learned and the inquiring, or from the creeds taught by the priest and the nurse" to that unreflecting multitude, the great and small vulgar.

I refer to Mr. Lindsey's "Historical View of the State of the Unitarian Doctrine," published in 1783. At p. 303, my eminently candid friend, "still pleased to praise" whenever he could praise conscientiously, repeats Mr. Emlyn's sentiment, that "King William was not willing to be made a persecutor," though "this great prince suffered himself to be prevailed upon to pass an act" against Unitarians. This was the Act of 1698, professing "the effectual suppression of blasphemy and profaneness," but really designing to forbid the publication of their opinions, to all who should impugn, however seriously, the Divine authority of the Scriptures, or deny that they contained the doctrine of a Trinity. Mr. Lindsey sustains his opinion "that the king yielded to pass this Act with reluctance, and through the necessity of the times, from the

following fact," for which he thus quotes "Smollett's History of England, Vol. XIII. p. 319:"

"The Scottish Commissioners who

came up to make a tender of their crown (anno 1689) to King William, (and who were, the Earl of Argyle for the Lords, Sir James Montgomery for the Knights, and Sir Johu Dalrymple for the Boroughs,) being introduced to their Majesties at Whitehall, presented first a preparatory Letter from the Estates, then the Instrument of Government, with a paper containing a recital of the grievances of the jesty to convert the Convention into a nation, and an Address desiring his MaParliament. The King having graciously promised to concur with them in all just measures for the interest of the kingdom,' the coronation-oath was tendered to their Majesties by the Earl Argyle. As it contained a clause, importing, that they should root out heresy, the King declared, that he did not mean by these words, should be under

act as a persecutor. The Commissioners replying, that such was not the meaning or import of the path, he desired them, and others present, to bear witness to the exception he had made."

Mr. Lindsey is confirmed in the opinion of King William's liberality by Burnet's remark, (O. T. 1689, Fol. II. 24,) that "when the King and Queen took the oaths, the King explained one word in the oath, by which he was bound to repress heresies, that he did not by this bind himself to persecute any for their conscience." There remains, however, a higher authority on this subject, published in 1697, eight years before Burnet wrote, and in a work compiled expressly in honour of the king.

The small volume to which I refer, is called in the head lines, "The Royal Almanack," and thus entitled, "Fasti Gulielmi Tertii; or, an Account of the most memorable Actions transacted during his Majesty's Life, both before and since his Accession to the Crown: with the Days, Months and Years wherein the same hapned." Under the date of May 11, 1689, there is an account of the introduction of the Commissioners from the Scottish Convention to the King and Queen, at the Banqueting-house, Whitehall. The King informs the Commissioners, that when he projected the expedition into England, he had a particular regard and consideration for Scotland."

Probably, according to a recent instance of royal abundance, he had a Dutch, an English, a Scottish, if not an Irish heart. Then, after detailing the ceremony of tendering the coronation oath, as described by Smollett, the Almanack thus proceeds:

"But when the Earl came to this part of the said oath, And we shall be careful to root out all heretics and enemies of the true worship of God, that shall be convicted by the true Kirk of God, of the aforesaid crimes, out of our lands and empire of Scotland,' the King declared that he did not mean by these words that he was under any obligation to become a persecutor. To which the Commissioners, being authorized by the States of Scotland, made answer, that neither the meaning of the oath, or the law of Scotland, did import it, since by the said law no man was to be persecuted for his private opinion, and that even obstinate and convicted heretics were only to be denounced rebels or out-lawed, whereby their moveable estates were confiscated. Whereupon the King declared again, that he took the oath in that sense, and called for witnesses, the Commissioners and others present."

In a "Preface to the third edition" of his Pastoral Care, written (1713) in his 70th year, Burnet remarks that "the breaches on a man's liberty or goods, are as really persecution, as that which strikes at his person. They may be, in some instances, more uneasy; as a single death is not so formidable, as to be forced to live under great necessities, perhaps with a numerous family." He adds, that, "if we judge of this matter by our Saviour's rule, of doing to others what we would have others do to us, our consciences would soon decide the question; if we will but honestly ask ourselves how we would have those of another religion deal with us, if we were living in countries where we must depart from the legal establishment, if we do truly follow the dictates of our conscience."

I beg leave to recommend these last thoughts of one who had witnessed so much pretended liberality and real injustice, to any of your readers, if one can yet be found among them, who would leave to the magistrate a cure of souls, or who can contemplate such wrongs as those legally and judicially inflicted on the Carlile family, without blushing for the ignorance or the

hypocrisy, the heads or the hearts, of our State-Christians. Yet, according to King William's definition of persecution, which forms a fine illustration, by contrast, of an Apostle's "royal law, according to the Scripture," though he engaged, by the solemnity of an oath, to denounce, as rebels, all whom the Kirk should declare to be heretics; to expatriate them by an outlawry, and to beggar them, with their families, by a confiscation; yet, after inflicting these sufferings, he was not to "be persecuted a man come a persecutor" unless he had opinion." Such a folly, whatever a "for his private crowned head might expect to accomplish, an Inquisitor, I am persuaded, never attempted; convinced, however reluctantly, that the wary possessor of a private opinion might fearlessly defy him to "take vengeance on the mind."

Beheld on the homely page of the mere annalist, and not as adorned by an historian's flattering pencil, William III. was little more than a soldier of fortune, till he received, from a grateful nation, the crown of England, a munificent reward for having driven away his justly despised and deserted father-in-law. A passage of an earlier date in "the Royal Almanack," discovers, that, like other soldiers, he could employ the argument of force in other places besides the field of battle, and that he had landed in England sufficiently prepared to "become a persecutor." At the same time it is mortifying to see, in the author of the Pastoral Care, a political priest, or rather an avant-courier of military outrage; while the extraordinary scene, as I had occasion to remark in another place, exhibits the distressing dilemma of an established clergy placed between a royal authority, to which they had vowed obedience, and the law of the sword which answered their just plea of conscience with the old conclusive argument va victis. "The Royal Almanack," after relating, "Nov. 8, 1688," that "the Prince of Orange made a very splendid entry into Exeter with his army," thus displays (p. 254) the "little triumphs" which immediately succeeded:

to the Cathedral of Exeter to order the "Nov. 9, 1688, Dr. Burnet was sent priest and vicars not to pray for the pretended Prince of Wales; and the same day his Highness went to the said Cathe

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dral, and was present at the singing Te Deum, after which his declaration was publicly read to the people; but I must observe that the ministers rushed out of the Church by a very surprising piece of policy."

Thus "the hero William" opened the campaign of 1688, by routing "the priest and vicars" of the cathedral of Exeter, "white, black and grey,

Such then was my excellent friend's "great prince," and Dr. Watts's "man of wondrous soul;" or, rather, the grateful Nonconformist poet's auspicious numen; or, at least, "the Monarch" that could "be shewn

Under no shape but angels' or his

own,

Gabriel, or William, on the Britishthrone;"

"Dalhousie, the great God of

War,
Lieutenant-Colonel to the Earl of Marr."

It might almost be suspected, that our orthodox Protestant grandsires were disposed to restore the hero-wor ship of Paganism, in honour of any king who would persecute only Papists and heretical Nonconformists. Thus they appear to have been “lost in wonder, love and praise," whenever they contemplated the condescension of a Dutch Stadtholder; in accepting a British crown. Their descendants,

with all their trumpery," the Bishop a bathos, which reminds me of and the Dean having fled, as "the hireling fleeth," the day before. Yet whatever might be the judgment of a priest, a prince and a soldier, here was surely a gross instance of persecution, according to the common opinions and feelings of mankind, and such a man as Burnet appears poorly employed on such a mission. He well knew that James, though now trembling on a precarious throne, was still as legally king as any of his predecessors; and that all "priests and vicars," including himself, yet owed him, according to their most solemn engagements, an unreserved obedience, as Supreme under the tuition of passing events, Head of the Church of England; and and the advantages of a more liberal were bound to pray, according to political education, have learned to the Liturgy, that God would be the distinguish between the real merits of defender and keeper of King James, the man, and the national advantages and give him victory over all his eneacquired, though by no means cheaply, mies." He knew too, that these from the successful enterprise of the "priests and vicars" were under pe- whom the ambition would be easily petty prince and valiant soldier, in remptory orders to pray for the Prince of Wales, without being allowed to lities and to wield the military enerexcited, to possess the splendid regainterpose a question as to his legiti-gies of a powerful kingdom. And,

macy.

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The legitimacy of James III. has, indeed, long ceased to be a question with any impartial inquirer; yet it should be allowed to Burnet, that he implicitly believed the revolution tales which he has collected in his History. I observe, also, in a 'Memorial to the Princess Sophia," printed in 1815, from his MS. in 1703, that he expresses the same confidence in the now exploded political fable. Thus having related the imprisonment of the seven Bishops, he adds, (p. 57,) "The Queen in the mean time was, as was pretended, delivered of a son at St. James's, the Princess Ann being sent industriously out of the way, to bathe. We had, I remember, a song upon it at the time, that

The Bishops were sent to the Tow'r,

The Princess went down to the bath, And the Queen she cried out in an hour."

indeed, whatever constitutional policy may dictate towards the living, it is no part of historical justice to the dead, to incur the charge of folly, brought even by a courtly poet, against those who

"drop the man in their account, And vote the mantle into Majesty."

Mr. Lindsey, in the passage which produced these observations, has referred to Mr. Emlyn's Works (II. 374). There, in Remarks on "The four London Ministers," authors of "The Doctrine of the blessed Trinity minded that "King William was not stated and defended," they are rethough the Dissenters lay hard at willing to be made a persecutor, him, in their address by Dr. Bates, to stop the press, anno 1697." It is probably to this attempt, which Calamy, I perceive, in his additions to

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