Page images
PDF
EPUB

the attention of the British Dominions to this question, which they have very much at heart--indeed, they feel about it almost as strongly as France feels about Alsace and Lorraine. They cannot be too vigilant or too vehement in emphasizing their views. The Governments of Cape Town, Ottawa, Melbourne, and Wellington should hammer away at the Home Government and make them realize that under no circumstances whatsoever can any territories liberated from Germany be regarded as counters in any development of European diplomacy.

HIS HOLINESS, while somewhat precise upon the restoration of German colonies, is magnificently vague concerning the Italian city of Trieste—and Alsace-Lorraine, the robbery of which is responsible for the present war, being content to express the hope that:

Not Peace, but a Sword

In consideration of the immense advantages of a lasting peace with disarmament, the parties in conflict will examine them in a conciliatory spirit, taking account in the measure of what is just and possible. . . in the aspirations of the peoples, and as occasions may offer, co-ordinate in particular interests with the general weal of the great human society.

In plain English, Austria is to keep Italia Irridenta, and Germany Alsace-Lorraine.

The same spirit of equity and justice must reign in the study of the other territorial and political questions, notably those relating to Armenia, the Balkan States, and to the territories forming part of the ancient kingdom of Poland, to which, in particular, its noble historical traditions and the sufferings endured, especially during the present war, ought justly to assure the sympathies of nations.

This paragraph is generally interpreted as meaning that the Dual Monarchy, which nowadays holds the position of the favourite child of the Catholic Church, is to be allowed to annex Serbia, Montenegro, and as much of Rumania as she cares to occupy, though as there is a great Catholic population in Poland it is suggested that that nation be reconstituted. It would, however, be sanguine to hope for the help of the Vatican in persuading Germany to contribute Polish Prussia, which is an essential portion of the Kingdom, or Danzig, which is its natural port. Such are "the principal bases upon which Benedictus XV hopes to reconstruct Europe. The Note has received a remarkably cool reception, being equally unfortunate in substance, in form, and in time. It jars upon every Ally. As the aggressor can't hope to win the war, under Papal patronage he is to be allowed to retire

[ocr errors]

from the conflict, having ruined several communities who are called upon to forgo all compensation. Such a peace would simply put a premium on wickedness by teaching the wicked that even when they lose the Pope will protect them from penalties. When they win they dictate their own terms. Germany would recover through her superior organization infinitely sooner than other Powers, and would complete her programme as it suited her. The Papal policy brings, not peace, but a sword.

The Gerard
Revelations

We have learnt not a little more about the origin of the war and the objectives of Germany from the remarkable revelations of Mr. Gerard, late American Ambassador in Berlin, who has rendered conspicuous service to his day and generation, as well as to the future historian, by the publication of memoirs which on several points are conclusive. It is nothing new for the German Government to be convicted of falsehood, or for Wilhelm II to appear in an odious light, but it is not every day that the exposure is at the hands of an accredited Ambassador fortified by documentary evidence. That Mr. Gerard writes with a purpose is plain from the striking exordium with which he opens, primarily addressed to his compatriots-the Daily Telegraph is so fortunate as to be the medium of publication on this side of the Atlantic-many of whom stand as much in need of "ginger" as we did in earlier days. He warns them that "the military and naval power of the German Empire is unbroken; that of the 12,000,000 men the Kaiser has called to the Colours but 1,500,000 have been killed and 500,000 permanently disabled, not more than 500,000 are prisoners of war, and about 500,000 constitute the number of wounded or on the sick list of each day, leaving at all times about 9,000,000 effectives under arms." In the ex-Ambassador's judgment these 9,000,000 men and more, seeing that at least 400,000 young Germans annually reach military age," because of their experience in two and a half years of war, are better and more efficient soldiers than at the time when they were called to the Colours. Their officers know far more of the science of this war, and the men themselves now have the skill and bearing of veterans." He describes his audience of the German Emperor on August 10, 1914, at the Royal Palace at Berlin, in the course of which "the Emperor took some of the large telegraph blanks and wrote out in pencil his reply to the

[ocr errors]

President's offer (of mediation between the warring Powers). This reply, of course, I cabled immediately to the State Department." The Emperor asked Mr. Gerard to publish it simultaneously in the Press, but he then withheld publication on the suggestion of "a man holding a high position in Germany' (presumably Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg) " in the interests of good feeling between Germany and America," to which the President assented, and it was accordingly suppressed. "Now, when the two countries are at war, when the whole world, and especially our own country, has an interest in knowing how this great calamity of universal war came to the earth, the time has come when this message should be given out, and I have published it by permission." It was headed in the Emperor's own handwriting, "For the President of the United States personally," and was as follows:

August 10, 1914.

(1) H.R.H. Prince Henry was received by His Majesty King George V in London, who empowered him to transmit to me verbally that England would remain neutral if war broke out on the Continent involving Germany and France, Austria and Russia. This message was telegraphed to me by my brother from London after his conversation with H.M. the King, and was repeated verbally on July 29.

(2) My Ambassador in London transmitted a message from Sir E. Grey to Berlin saying that only in case France was likely to be crushed England would interfere.

(3) On the 30th my Ambassador in London reported that Sir Edward Grey, in the course of a "private" conversation, told him that if the conflict remained localized between Russia-not Serbia-and Austria, England would not move, but if we mixed in the fray she would take quick decisions and grave measures, i.e. if I left my ally Austria in the lurch to fight alone, England would not touch me.

(4) This communication being directly counter to the King's message to me, I telegraphed to H.M. on the 29th or 30th, thanking him for his kind messages through my brother, and begging him to use all his power to keep France and Russia, his Allies, from making any warlike preparations calculated to disturb my work of mediation, stating that I was in constant communication with H.M. the Tsar. In the evening the King kindly answered that he had ordered his Government to use every possible influence with his Allies to refrain from taking any provocative military measures. At the same time H.M. asked me if I would transmit to Vienna the British proposal that Austria was to take Belgrade and a few other Serbian towns, and a strip of country, as a "main mise to make sure that the other Serbian promises on paper should be fulfilled in reality. This proposal was in the same moment telegraphed to me from Vienna for London, quite in conjunction with the British proposal. Besides, I had telegraphed to H.M. the Tsar the same, as an idea of mine before I received the two communications from Vienna and London, as both were of the same opinion.

[ocr errors]

(5) I immediately transmitted the telegrams vice versa, Vienna and London. I felt that I was able to tide the question over and was happy at the peaceful outlook. (6) While I was preparing a Note to H.M. the Tsar the next morning to inform him that Vienna, London, and Berlin were agreed about the treatment of affairs, I received the telephones from H.E. the Chancellor that in the night before the Tsar had given the order to mobilize the whole of the Russian army, which was, of course, also meant against Germany, whereas up till then the Southern armies had been mobilized against Austria.

(7) In a telegram from London my Ambassador informed me he understood the British Government would guarantee the neutrality of France and wished to know whether Germany would refrain from attack. I telegraphed to His Majesty the King personally that mobilization being already carried out, could not be stopped, but if His Majesty could guarantee with his armed forces the neutrality of France I would refrain from attacking her, leave her alone, and employ my troops elsewhere. His Majesty answered that he thought my offer was based on a misunderstanding, and as far as I can make out Sir E. Grey never took my offer into serious consideration. He never answered it. Instead he declared that England had to defend Belgian neutrality, which had to be violated by Germany on strategical grounds, news having been received that France was already preparing to enter Belgium and the King of the Belgians having refused my petition for a passage under guarantee of his country's freedom. I am most grateful for the President's message.

Kaiser v.
German
Government

(Signed) WILLIAM, I.R.

As there are still reputed to be people who prefer to believe that Belgium attacked Germany rather than Germany attacked Belgium, despite the Imperial Chancellor's confession at the time of the crime that Germany was doing wrong and knew it, this contemporaneous statement of the German Emperor to the American Ambassador that Belgian territory "had to be violated by Germany on strategical grounds" is decisive. As Mr. Gerard observes, the Imperial excuse that "news" had "been received that France was already preparing to enter Belgium" was very weak," as it was not even suggested that she had done so, while the further excuse

[ocr errors]

that the King of the Belgians had refused free passage to the Emperor's troops under guarantee of his country's freedom, is even weaker than the first. It would, indeed, inaugurate a new era in the intercourse of nations if a small nation could only preserve its freedom by at all times on request granting free passage to the troops of a powerful neighbour on the march to attack an adjoining country.

The author reminds us that, whereas on August 10 the Emperor made no mention in his message to President Wilson of any actual French violation of Belgian neutrality, attributing German action to strategic necessity, a week before (August 3, 1914) von Schoen, the German Ambassador in Paris, presented to the French Government the German declaration of war, which contained the following charge, which the subsequent attitude of the Emperor proves to have been an impudent fabrication. This was the German Government's pretext for declaring war on France :

The German civil and military authorities have reported a certain number of definite acts of hostility committed on Germany territory by French military aviators. Several of these have clearly violated the neutrality of Belgium in flying over the territory of 3

VOL. LXX

this country. One of them tried to destroy structures near Wesel. Others have been seen in the region of Eiffel. Another has thrown bombs on the railway near Karlsruhe and Nürnberg. I am charged, and I have the honour to make known to your Excellency, that in the presence of these aggressions, the German Empire considers itself in a state of war with France by the act of this latter Power.

In the same chapter Mr. Gerard gives us an invaluable first-hand impression of the motives of Germany in embarking on the "Frightful Adventure," which corroborates the conclusions long since arrived at by everybody in a position to form an impartial opinion, and who is not obsessed by that passion of perversity which inspires a certain number of intellectuels to expend themselves in proving that black is white.

NEEDLESS to say the German Government made the usual clumsy ineffectual attempt to repudiate the damning document now

A Buxton
Predicament

given to the world, only to provoke the publication of a facsimile of the original, all in the well-known handwriting of Wilhelm II, both in the Philadelphia Ledger and the Daily Telegraph. Of the Imperial imputations on the British Sovereign we need say nothing-they have deceived no one. The one and only reproach to which the British Government of the day is open-and we would not minimize it vis-à-vis our own people--was a love of peace so morbid as to endanger its object. It is a wicked and wilful falsehood to accuse Mr. Asquith or any of his colleagues of wanting war, though we can hardly wonder at the Germans spreading it, seeing that it was originally invented by Mr. Ramsay Macdonald, M.P., presumably for purposes of German propaganda, in an article which has never been explained away and never can be explained away, and will dog its author for ever:

There is no doubt whatever but that when all is over and we turn back to it in cold blood and read it [Sir Edward Grey's speech, August 3, 1914] carefully so as to ascertain why England has practically declared war on Germany, we shall find that the only reason from beginning to end in it is that our Foreign Office is anti-German and that the Admiralty was anxious to seize any opportunity of using the Navy in battle practice. Never did we arm our people and ask them to give us their lives for less good cause than this. (Mr. J. Ramsay Macdonald, M.P., Leicester Pioneer, August 17, 1914.)

There are many other titbits in the Gerard revelations which are a veritable bombshell in the crypto-Potsdam camp, prematurely exploding several mines which Pacifists were about to fire. Thus

« PreviousContinue »