it was debated in the present session of parliament, but in former sessions, and by reasoners on the opposite sides, in general.

Lord Grenville's motion for the second reading of the Slave-trade Abolition bill was supported by the duke of Gloucester, the earl of Sel. kirk, lord King, earl of Rosslyn, lord Northesk, the bishop of Dur ham, lord Holland, and the earl of Suffolk. It was opposed by the duke of Clarence, the earl of Morton, the earl of Westmoreland, lord Sidmouth, lord Eldon, and lord Hawkesbury. It was suggested, on the present subject, by lord Sid. mouth, that churches should be built for the negroes in the West-India islands, agreeably to the advice of Mr. Burke, and that they should be instructed in the morality, and also the peculiar doctrines of the Christian Religion. To Mr. Burke's advice, lord Sidmouth made an addition that merits the most attentive consideration. He recommended that the negroes should be also united by the ties of matrimony, as the first step towards civilization, and the future improvement of their condition. With these advantages, and the blessing of being protected by our laws, he thought that the time would arrive for emancipating them.*-The second reading of the bill was carried by a hundred voices against thirty-six.

The report of the bill being brought up, on February 9th, lord

Grenville stated, that it had bee thought adviseable to fix the sam period in all the clauses of the bi for the abolition of the slave-trade namely the 1st of May next; and introduce a proviso, allowing vesse employed in the trade, which ha cleared out from the ports of th country for Africa previously to the day, to complete their cargoes Africa, and trade with them to West Indies, and other parts America, until the 1st of Januar 1808, at which period the trad should be finally abolished. Th amendments proposed by his lor ship were agreed to.

Lord Redesdale suggested, tha as the loss of a vessel, or other un avoidable accident, might preve the arrival of a cargo from Afric in the West Indies, within the tim limited, it might be adviseable t make an exception for such a case.After a short conversation betwe the lords Redesdale, Grenville, ar Stanhope, it was agreed to introdu into the bill, words excepting fro its operation those cases, where t voyage to the West Indies not be completed within the ti limited, on account of capture, t loss of the vessel, or other unavoi able accident: the proof of whi to lie on the party. On the qu tion being put for engrossing bill, the bishop of London rose, a expatiated on the moral and religi consequences that might be expec to accrue from that salutary a

gradual abolition, conceiving that persons concerned in the trade ought to have sufficient notice. Now how ever, he had no doubt that the trade ought immediately to be abolished, not only because that trade was contrary to justice and humanity, but also because the abolition was the only means of preventing those evils which must otherwise necessarily result from the multiplication of slaves in the west. The duke of Norfolk approved of the bill, and expressed a confidence that the planters, by a moderate treatment of their slaves, would contribute to bring about that state of the colonies which was so much to be, desired. The earl of Westmoreland was at a loss to understand on what principle of logic it was to be proved, that if the slave-trade was contrary to justice and humanity, it was not also contrary to justice and humanity to keep the negroes who had been procured by means of the trade, in a state of perpetual slavery. Not that he was so mad as to think that freedom ought to be given to the laves in the West-Indies, but that on the principles on which the abolition bill was now founded, emancipation ought also to follow. Lord Grenville said that in abolishing the slave-trade, justice would be done to the inhabitants of Africa, who were the parties aggrieved, but that liberty to the slaves on the Islands, would be to them, in their state of ignorance and barbarism, a baleful poison. The bill was then read a third time, passed, and ordered to be sent to the commons, for obtain ing the concurrence of that house.

House of commons, February 3.The bill being laid on the table, a motion was made by lord Howick, for reading it a first time.

This

was opposed, in what is called a maiden, or first speech in parliament, by

Mr. George Hibbert.-He was particularly anxious to impress on the minds of all the members, that they were not a mere comitium, or popular assembly, nor yet a mere organ of the voice of the multitude, but a deliberative body, limited in their number, that they might deliberate calmly, without any mixture of popular prejudice, enthusiasm or pas sion; bound to maintain the rights. and to consult the interests and the wishes of the people, but bound also to decide, according to thei consciences, for the good of the whole, after full and free discus sion....He was determined to oppos at every step, a measure which h believed to be grounded on a delu sive promise of good which it woul never accomplish, and to be preg nant with inevitable, immediate, an extensive mischief.

Captain Herbert too thought tha the abolition of the slave-trade woul become the ruin of the British colc nies in the West-Indies, and conse quently of our finances in that pa of the world. General Gascoyne als entreated the house to give the me sure before them, the fullest an most serious consideration. Eve measure he said, that invention ( artifice could devise, had been v sorted to on the present occasion The church, the theatre, and press, had laboured to create a pr judice against the slave-trade. was not his intention, however, speak at present on the general su ject, as he should consider it as respectful to the lords, if any that came down from their hous should not at least be read a f time....Lord Howick, and Mr.

Plan

Plumer, declared that if any artifices had been pracised for raising a popular clamour against the slavetrade, they were wholly unknown to them. Lord Howick knew, he said, that there had been a most laudable and persevering attention on the part of the honourable gen. tleman (Mr. W.) with whom the measure originated. This attention, however, had never been used to mislead any one, but merely to make the matter generally under

stood.

After a short conversation be. tween Mr. Plumer, lord Howick, Mr. Hibbert, lord H. Petty, Mr. H. Addington, Mr. I. H. Browne, lord Temple, Mr. Tierney, and Mr. Babington, a motion for the second reading of the bill on Friday se'nnight was put and carried. On that day, February 20, lord Howick having moved the order of the day, counsel were heard against the bill, in the following order; Mr. Dallas for the merchants and planters of Jamaica; Mr. Alexander for the merchants of London, trading to Africa; Mr. Clarke for the mayor, corporation, and merchants, of Liverpool; and Mr. Scarlett for the i merchants and planters of Trinidad. The learned counsel for Jamaica, London, and Liverpool, at the close of their respective speeches, requested that evidence might be talled in, and general Gascoyne made successive motions to that effect, which were negatived with out a division.-The propriety of bearing evidence was urged by Mr. Fuller, Mr. Hibbert, sir C. Pole, and Mr. Howarth. On the motion for calling in evidence being made for the first time, that is, after the conclusion of Mr. Dallas's plead. ings, lord Howick said, that not any

thing the counsel had stated was new to the house, except one point, the relative situation of St. Domingo and Jamaica, and this was a matter of mere opinion. If, after so many years of inquiry, the house should still go on to investigate this subject, they would never come to a decision. Mr. Wilberforce, too, was convinced, that the house would not see any reason for further evidence, when they considered that for the last three years, both down stairs, and in committees, every species of evidence had been brought and considered, that could possibly elucidate the question.

Mr. Scarlett was then heard for the Island of Trinidad. He also concluded with a request that evidence should be adduced. After having retired, he was again called in on the motion of lord Howick, to state the points on which he wished that evidence should be examined. They were, in substance, the loss that would be sustained by certain persons who had been in. duced by the British government to become settlers. After Mr. S. had again withdrawn, Mr. Wilberforce remarked, that the present was not the proper time for hearing such evidence. If the question of compensation should be brought before the house at a subsequent period, that would be the opportunity for receiving it.

A motion by Mr. Howarth that the counsel should be called in, and directed to proceed with his evidence, was opposed by lord Howick, The learned counsel, he observed, had stated two points, which he wished to establish by evidence. The first was, that no more ground could be cleared in the Island of Trinidad without a fresh importation of I 2

slaves;

lating capital tended no doubt to rouse and enliven every branch of industry and species of adventure, and thereby contributed to the general wealth or clear revenue of the nation. But, it is not to be disgui. sed, that it had a most pernicious influence on the condition of the great mass of the poor labouring people. Taxes on taxes without end, for payment of the inte. rest of loans on loans, gave birth to such a profusion of those paper-signs of wealth, as occasioned also a rapid decrease in its value. While idle capitalists and stock-jobbers rolled in wealth, the lot of the lower classes of the people became harder and harder. The price of provisions and all necessaries became higher and higher that is, the value of money became less and less. This fall in the value of money was rapid, but the rise in the price of labour, par. ticularly agricultural labour, the most valuable of any, and which employs so great a proportion of the population of the country, was very slow. And no sooner was it raised, if indeed it ever was raised, to a level with the depreciation of

money, on an average proportion of wages to necessaries for some years back, than new inundations of both metaphysical and metal money destroyed the balance. The number of those who depended on relief from their parishes, had increased to an alarm. ing degree. And the increase in the poors-rates was an enormous addition to the enormous taxes paid to government. The reduced state of the common people was observable to every one, and to those who hap pened to return to London, or any other place, after an absence of twenty or thirty years, extremely striking. A very great number of what are called tea-gardens, in the vicinity of the metropolis, were deserted. The voice of joy and glad ness was less heard in the villages. And even among those who were not inclined to give vent to their feelings, in murmurs and complaints, there was an air of patient and sad resignation.

These were among the evils flow. ing from the funding system, or that of shifting off on the shoulders of posterity the burthen of the day; which burthen, however, would, in many instances, have been less, if

the