Conference between the King of Sweden and General Brune. To the Editor, &c. Sir, The following is a translation of the conversation which passed between his majesty the king of Sweden and general Brune, at Schlatkow, on the 4th of June, as published, by command, at Stralsund; and if you think it will be interesting to your readers, you are welcome to insert it. GUSTAVUS BRUNNMARK, Chaplain to the Swedish legation at the court of St. James's. The original publication begins thus:— As an incorrect article has been inserted in the Hamburg and Altona papers, concerning his royal majesty's conference with the French general Brune, at Schlatkow, on the 4th of June, 1807, it seems now high time to put this conversation in its true light. When the French general came to the king, he began, after a pause of a few moments, by saying-I present myself here in consequence of your majesty's command. The king. I have myself wished to speak to you, general, in order to render unnecessary all further explanation on the article added to the conclusion of the armistice at Schlatkow; as I wish that every thing should be clear and distinct, so that no nisconstruction can arise. My governor-general has already, in consequence of my order, told you in his letter of the 14th of May, that I do not acknowledge any other agreements, except those established in the armistice itself-and I now repeat to you, that that is the only act I look upon as binding. The general. Does your majesty permit me to speak, or is it your majesty's pleasure to explain your thoughts yourself on the subject? King. No; you may speak. General. Your majesty, I can mention an instance in which I was myself concerned, for I concluded a similar armistice in Holland with the duke of York; and I had thought the additional article now in question ought to have been as sacred as the armistice itself, when founded on the honour of both the commanders in chief. King. Yes, it is exactly on the same principle that I acknowledge only the armistice at Schlatkow. Bonaparte has besides made use of a reason, which I might also urge, when he said, that he himself commanded his army, and ordered general Mortier, in case the additional article should not be acceded to, to break off the armistice. Now since I have taken the command of my army in person, I might have had a sufficient reason for putting an end to the armistice, as I would not acknowledge the additional article; but I have not done it. When general Brune began to speak about the ancient alliance between Sweden and France, aud about an union between the two nations. The king answered.-Yes, certainly. I wish as much as you, that this alliance might be revived; but the French nation is no longer the same; and those happy times are passed, when a close alliance contributed to the political advantage of the two kingdoms. The present state of affairs prevents it. General. 3A4 Your majesty, the French nation is always the same. It has acquired much honour and power. France has made great progress, she has improved her agriculture and her resources; and if in other times your majesty had an opportunity of going thither, it would, perhaps, be interesting to your majesty to see and know that country. King. I look upon France now as being the scourge of Europe. General.--Yes, we have been much engaged in warfare. The emperor has a great character. King. I do not know of any emperor of France. (General Brune did not attempt to answer this remark.) King. Have you forgot, general, that you have a lawful king? General. I do not even know whether such a one exists. King.-How! if he exists? He is exiled, unhappy; but he is your lawful king, and his rights are unquestionably sacred. He only wishes to assemble his united subjects round his standard. General. Where is that standard? King.-If no where else, you will always find it with me. General. I am told that he has abdicated his rights to the duke of Angouleme. King. I have never heard that mentioned. On the contrary, the king has issued a proclamation; a pledge of his sentiments towards his people, to which Monsieur and all the princes of the blood have given their consent. Do you know that proclamation? General. No, your majesty (this was said with many assurances on his honour.) King. The duke of Pienne, marechal des camps in the service of the king, is here. It is possible that he has brought this publication with him. I will let him be called, if you wish it. (When his majesty, in the countenance of the general, perceived his disquietude and uneasiness at this,) he added, "But perhaps this would cause too much observation." General.-Yes; but if your majesty would send it to me in a cover at the out-posts, I would read it myself, and my officers should also see it. King. In this proclamation the king promises to all military persons who wish to return to their duty, to retain them in their rank and honours. Do you suppose, general, that the present state of affairs in France will last long? General. Every thing is liable to change. King. Don't you think that Providence, which hitherto has allowed you so many successes, can put a stop to them, for the sake of good justice and the good cause? General.—But it may happen that persons, who mean well, act according to their conviction, even against the decrees of Providence. King. I suppose that you may still have success. Can you, however, think that it will always continue so? If you had the choice to serve your lawful king, or the cause you now have adopted--what would Auswer me sincerely. General.(Rubbing his forehead). That is a question which requires consideration. King. To me it seems that you ought not to want much time to think of it. Tell me only whether you would prefer returning to your duty, or or defending those principles which you have adopted. General.-In regard to that-Yes, I shall defend those principles, I shall do my duty for the present. King. Do you know that Buonaparte has proposed to the king to treat with him on his rights. This is the greatest proof of his acknowledging those rights, that he could give. General. I am ignorant of that. King. But do you know that the king has constantly refused it, and said, as Francis I. said, We have lost every thing except our honour! (General Brune repeated these words with warmth.) King. I know the king intimately, and he deserves to be known for his great and excellent qualities. You, general, you can never have restfor what will be your situation if all is changed? General. I shall then die an honourable death, sword in hand. As a military man, I am exposed to such a fate every moment.-The question is not to die, but to die as one ought. King. But that depends upon unforeseen circumstances. There exists however a happiness, which consists in peace of mind-the consequence of having fulfilled one's duties, and acted according to the dictates of conscience. Buonaparte can never have that peace of mind. He might have made himself immortal if he had restored the throne to the king. He may gain fortuitous honour, much celebrity, and many advantages, but he can never enjoy any peace of mind. When the general began to speak of the talents of Buonaparte, and said that there was none of the Bourbon family who was distinguished for so. many, the king answered, "There occur favourable circumstances, and it needs only to take advantage of them." The general seemed to admit this. King. The death of the duke of Enghien-what an enormity! General.-I was at that time in Constantinople, and cannot explain it. When the conversation turned on the French revolution, the general said: I belong to the revolution, and it has been brought about by the will of the French people. King.-It is not the French people that have made the revolution; it is the rabble. We now see plainly the consequences of these mob-revolutions of which you speak. This one began with abolishing all distinctions in order to introduce equality; and now you yourself are a proof that these principles are changed. General. If your majesty had been in the place of Louis XVI. the revolution had never happened. King.-I will not praise myself on that head, as I have never found myself in such circumstances. He was too good and conciliatory, and has proved that those qualifications, when misapplied, may have fatal consequences. You have yourself led me on to this subject. I have been candid with you, and my character required that I should explain myself on the subject. It is my duty to speak as I have done; but were I even placed in different circumstances, my principles would still be the same. Can you imagine that I should look with indifference upon people neglecting their duty to their lawful king, when I am a king myself? that would be to forget what I owe to myself. General.-Your majesty considers the king as a brother. "His majesty the king, recognizing the motives which induced his apostolic majesty to offer his mediation between the more distinguished of the powers now at war, in order, by means of his good services, to lead to conferences concerning peace, is eager to testify all the gratitude he feels on this account. The king beholds this measure of the court of Vienna with pleasure as it respects himself, considering it as the effect of that friendship of which the emperor and king has given him more than one proof, and therefore feels this more strongly. The desire to see the evils terminated, which have pressed upon Europe during so many years, and his natural moderation, would induce him to accept without scruple, the offer of his imperial and royal majesty, if he could convince himself that the basis which France would consent to in a negociation would be such as his honour allowed him to accept. The way and manner in which Napoleon has constantly evaded explaining himself in this respect is no fortunate omen. Yet, should his imperial and royal majesty succeed in inducing France to state such a basis, and make it known to the king, and should they be not altogether hostile to the end which bis majesty has been endeavouring to attain in common with his allies, his Prussian majesty will eagerly accept the offer which his imperial and royal apostolic majesty has just made." Order of Council. At the Court at the Queen's Palace, 19th Aug. 1807, present, the King's most Excellent Majesty in Council. "His majesty, taking into consideration the measures recently resorted to by the enemy for distressing the commerce of the united kingdom, is pleased, by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that all vessels under the flag of Mecklenburg, Oldenburg, Paperburg, or Kniphausen, shall be forthwith warned not to trade in future at any hostile port, unless such vessel shall be going from, or coming to, a port of the united kingdom; and in case any such vessel, after having been so warned, shall be found trading, or to have traded after such warning; or in case any vessel or goods belonging to the inhabitants of such countries, after the expiration of six weeks from the date of this order, shall be found trading, or to have traded, after such six weeks have expired, at any hostile port, such vessel and goods, unless going from, or coming to, a port of the united kingdom, shall be seized and be brought in for legal adjudication, and shall be condemned as lawful prize to his majesty and his majesty's principal secretaries of state, the lords commissioners of the admiralty, and the judge of the high court of admiralty, and judges of the court of vice-admiralty, are to take the necessary measures herein, as to them shall respectively appertain. (Signed) "STEPHEN COTTRELL." Danish Proclamation. "We, Christian the Seventh, by the grace of God, king of Denmark, Norway, of the Wends and Goths, duke of Schleswig, Holstein, Storman, and Ditmarchea, also of Oldenburgh, &c. do herewith make known, that whereas by the English envoy Jackson, it was declared to us on the 13th of this month, that hostilities against Denmark would be commenced; and whereas, at the same time he demanded passports for himself and his suite, consequently the war between England and Denmark may be considered as actually broken out: Therefore we herewith call on all our faithful subjects to take up arms, whenever it shall be required, to frustrate the insidious designs of the enemy, and repel hostile attacks. "We further hereby ordain, that all English ships, as well as all English property and all English goods, shall be seized by the magi-" strates and others, in particular by the officers of customs, wheresoever they may be found. It is further our will, that all English subjects, until, pursuant to our further orders, they can be sent out of the country, shall without exception be arrested as enemies of our kingdom and our country, which measure is strictly to be carried into execution by all. magistrates, as well as by all subordinate officers, duly to be instructed by them for that purpose; and it is a matter of course, that all English ships and boats which approach our coasts shall be considered and treated as hostile. "It is also our will, that all suspicious foreigners shall be watched with the greatest attention, and that magistrates, as well as all subordinate officers, shall use their utmost efforts as soon as possible to discover all spies. "Lastly, we find it necessary to ordain, that, immediately after publication hereof, all correspondence with English subjects shall entirely cease, and that no payment shall be made to them on any ground whatever, until our further orders, on pain of severe punishment, in case of contravention. "For the rest we rely on the justice of our cause, and the courage and tried fidelity of our beloved subjects. "Given under our royal seal in the fortress of Gluckstadt, the 16th of August, 1807. (L. S.) "C. L. BART. V. BROCK DOFF. 'J. C. MORITZ." Proclamation |