"The emperor, wounded in his dignity, in the interests of his people, in his engagements with the courts of the north, by this act of violence committed in the Baltic, which is an enclosed sea, whose tranquillity had been for a long period, and with the privity of the cabinet of St. James's, the subject of reciprocal guarantee, did not dissemble his resentment against England, and announced to her that he could not remain insensible to it.

His majesty did not foresee that when England, having employed her force successfully, was about to bear away her prey, she would commit a new outrage against Denmark, and that his majesty was to share in it. New proposals were made, each more insidious than the foregoing, which were to connect with the British powcr Denmark, subjected, disgraced, and affecting to applaud what had been wrought against her.

66

The emperor still less foresaw that it would be proposed to him that he should guarantee this submission, and that he should pledge himself that this act of violence should have no unpleasant consequences to England. Her ambassador believed that it was possible to propose to his majesty's ministry, that his majesty should be come the apologist and the protector of what he had so loudly blamed.

"To this proceeding of the cabinet of St. James's, the emperor paid no other attention than it deserved. He thought it time to put limits to his moderation.

"The prince royal of Denmark, endowed with a character full of energy and nobleness, and possessing from providence a dignity equal to his high rank, had informed the emperor, that justly incensed at what had taken place at Copenhagen, he

had not ratified the convention, and considered it as of no effect.

"At this moment he has just communicated to his imperial majesty new proposals which have been made to him, which serve only to inflame his resistance instead of appeasing it; because they tend to impress upon his actions the seal of degradation, the impression of which they have never borne.

"The emperor touched with the confidence which the prince royal placed in him, and having considered his own peculiar complaints against England; having maturely examined, too, the engagements which he had entered into with the powers of the north-engagements formed by the empress Catherine, aud by his late majesty the emperor, both of glorious memory-has resolved to fulfil them. His imperial majesty, therefore, breaks off all communication with England, he recals the whole of the mission which he has sent thither, and no longer chuses to keep with him that of his Britannic majesty. There shall from henceforth be no connection between the two countries.

"The emperor declares, that he annuls, and for ever, every preceding convention between England and Russia, and particularly that entered into in 1801, the 5th (17th) of the month of June.

"He proclaims anew, the principles of the armed neutrality, that monument of the wisdom of the empress Catherine, and engages never to recede from that system,

"He demands of England complete satisfaction to all his subjects, for their just reclamations of vessels and merchandize, detained against the express tenor of treaties concluded in his own reign.

"The

"The emperor engages, there shall be no re-establis..ment of concord between Russia and England, till satisfaction shall have been given to Denmark.

"The emperor expects that his Britannic majesty, instead of sufferin his ministers, as he does, to scalter che sees of fresh war, listening only to his own feelings, will be disposed to conclude such treaty with his majesty the emperor of France, as shali prolong (to use the expression) terminabiy (a toute la terme), the inval able blessings of peace.

"When the emperor shall be sa tisfied upon all the preceding points, and especially upon that of peace between France and England, withou which no part of Europe can promise itself real tranquillity, his imperial majesty will then gladly resume with Great Britain those relations of amity, which, under the just discontent which he could not but feel, he has, perhaps, preserved too long

Given at St. Petersburgh, 20th (31) October,"

Message of the President of the United States of America, to both Houses of Congress, delivered Tuesday, Oct. 27, 1807.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, Circumstances, fellow-citizens, which seriously threatened the peate of our country, have made it a duty to convene you at an earlier period than usual, The love of peace, so much cherished in the bosom of our citizens, which had so long guided the proceedings of their public councils, and induced forbearance under so many wrongs, may not insure our

continuance in the quiet pursuits of industry. The many injuries and depredations committed on our commerce and navigation upon the high seas for years past, the successive innovations on those principles of public law which have been established by the reason and usage of nations, as the rule of their intercourse, and the umpire and security of their rights and peace, and all the circumstances which induced the extraordinary nuission to London, are already known to you. The instructions given to our ministers were in the sincerest spirit of amity and moderation. They accordingly proceeded, in conformity therewith, to propose arrangements which might en brace and settle all the points in difference between us, which might bring us to a mutual understanding on our neutral and national rights, and provide for a commercial intercourse on conditions of some equality. After long and fruitless endeavours to effect the purpose of their mission, and obtain ar rangements with the limits of their instructions, they concluded to sign such as could be obtained, and to send them for consideration, candidly declaring to the other negociators, that they were acting against their instructious, and that their government therefore could not be pledged for their ratification. Some of the articles proposed might have been admitted on a principle of compromise, but others were too highly disadvantageous, and no sufficient provision was made against the principal source of the irritations and collisions which were constantly endangering the peace of the two nations. The question, therefore, whether a treaty should be accepted in that form, could have admitted but of one decision, even had no declaration of the other party

impaired

impaired our confidence in it. Still anxious not to close the door against friendly adjustment, new modifications were framed, and further concessions authorised, than could before have been supposed necessary, and our ministers were instructed to resume their negociations on those grounds.

On this new reference to amicable discussion, we were reposing in confidence, when, on the 22d day of June last, by a formal order from a British admiral, the frigate Chesapeak, leaving her port for a distant service, was attacked, by one of those vessels which had been lying in our harbours under the indulgencies of hospitality; was disabled from proceeding, had several of her crew killed, and four taken away. On this outrage no commentaries are necessary. Its character has been pronounced by the indignant voice of our citizens with an emphasis and unanimity never exceeded. 1 immediately, by proclamation, interdicted our harbours and waters to all British armed vessels, forbade intercourse with them, and, uncertain how far hostilities were intended, and the town of Norfolk indeed being threatened with immediate attack, a sufficient force was ordered for the protection of that place, and such other preparations commenced and pursued as the prospect rendered proper. An armed vessel of the United States was dispatched with instructions to our ministers at London, to call on that government for the satisfaction and security required by the outrage. A very short interval ought now to bring the answer, which shall be communicated to you as soon as received: then also, or as soon after as the public interests shall be found to admit, the unratified treaty, and proceedings

relative to it, shall be made known

to you.

The aggression, thus begun, has been continued on the part of the British commanders, by remaining within our waters, in defiance of the authority of the country, by habitual violations of its jurisdiction, and, at length, by putting to death one of the persons whom they had forcibly taken from on board the Chesapeak. These aggravations necessarily tead to the policy either of never admitting an armed vessel into our harbours, or of maintaining in every harbour such an armed force as may constrain obedience to the laws, and protect the lives and property of our citizens against their armed guests; but the expence of such a standing force, and its inconsistence with our principles, dispense with those courtesies which would necessarily call for it, and leave us équally free to exclude the navy, as we are the army of a foreign power, from entering our limits.

To former violations of maritime rights, another is now added of very extensive effect. The government of that nation has issued an order, interdicting all trade by neutrals between ports not in amity with them, and being now at war with nearly every nation on the Atlantic and Mediterranean seas, our vessels are required to sacrifice their cargoes at the first port they touch, or to return home without the benefit of going to any other market. Under this new law of the ocean, our trade on the Mediterranean has been swept away by seizures and condemnations, and that in other seas is threatened with the same fate.

Our differences with Spain remain still unsettled, no measure having been taken on her part, since my last communications

communications to congress, to bring them to a close. But, under a state of things which may favour reconsideration, they have been recently pressed, and an expectation is entertained that they may now soon be brought to an issue of some sort. With their subjects on our borders, no new collisions have taken place, nor seem immediately to be apprehended. To our former grounds of complaint has been added a very serious one, as you will see by the decree, a copy of which is now communicated. Whether this decree, which professes to be conformable to that of the French government, of November 21, 1806, heretofore communicated to congress, will also be conformed to that in its construction and application in relation to the United States, had not been ascertained at the date of our last communications. These, however, gave reason to expect such conformity.

With the other nations of Europe our harmony has been interrupted, and commerce and friendly intercourse have been maintained on their usual footing.

Our peace with the several states on the coast of Barbary, appears as firm as at any former period, and as likely to continue as that of any other nation.

Among our Indian neigbouts, in the north-western quarter some fermentation was observed soon after the late occurrences threatening the continuance of our peace,

Measures were said to be interchanged, and tokens to be passing, which usually denote a state of restlessness among them, and the character of the agitators pointed to the sources of exement. Measures ware immediately taken for provid

ing against that danger; instructions were given to require explanations, and, with assurances of our continued friendship, to admonish the tribes to remain quiet at home, taking no part in quarrels not belonging to them. As far as we are yet informed, the tribes in our vicinity, who are most advanced in the pursuits of industry, we sincerely disposed to adhere to their friendship with us, and to their peace with all others. While those more remote, do not present appearances sufficiently quiet to justify the intermission of military precaution on our part.

The great tribes on our southwestern quarter much advanced beyond the others in agriculture and household arts, appear tranquil and identifying their views with our's in proportion to their advancements. With the whole of these people in every quarter, I shall continue to inculcate peace and friendship with all their neighbours, and perseverance in those occupations and pursuits which will best promote their own well being.

The appropriations of the last session, for the defence of our sea-port towns and harbours, were made ucder expectation that a continuance of our peace would permit us to proceed in that work according to our convenience. It has been thoughit better to apply the sums then given towards the defence of New York, Charleston, and New Orleans chiefly, as most open and likely first to need protection, and to leave places less immediately in danger to the provi sions of the present session.

The gun-boats too already pro vided have, on a like principle, been chiefly assigned to New York, New Orleans, and the Chesapeak. Whether our moveable force on the wa

ter,

ter, so material in aid of the defensive works on the land, should be augmented in this or any other form, is left to the wisdom of the legisla ture. For the purpose of manning these vessels, in sudden attacks on our harbours, it is a matter for consideration whether the seamen of the United States may not justly be formed into a special militia, to be called on for turns of duty, in defence of the harbours where they shall happen to be, the ordinary militia of the place furnishing that portion which may consist of land

men.

The moment our peace was threataned, I deemed it indispensable to secure a greater provision of those articles of military stores, with which our magazines were not sufficiently furnished; to have awaited a pre vious and special sanction by law, would have lost occasions which might not be retrieved. I did not besitate, therefore, to authorise engagements for such supplements to our existing stock, as would render it adequate to the emergencies threatening us; and I trust that the legislature, feeling the same anxiety for the safety of our country, so materially advanced by this precaution, will approve when done, what they would have seen so important to be done, if then assembled. Expences, also unprovided for, arose out of the necessity of calling all our gun-boats into actual service, for the defence of our harbours, all of which accounts will be laid before you.

Whether a regular army is to be raised, and to what extent, must depend on the information so shortly expected. In the mean time, I have called on the states for quotas of militia, to be in readiness for present defence; and have, moreover, en

couraged the acceptance of volunteers; and I am happy to inform you, that these have offered themselves with great alacrity in every part of the union; they are ordered to be organised, and ready at a moment's warning, to proceed to any service to which they may be called, and every preparation within the executive power, has been made to ensure us the benefit of early exertions.

I informed congress at their last session, of the enterprises against the public peace, which were believed to be in preparation by Aaron Burr, and his associates; of the measures taken to defeat them, and to bring the offenders to justice. Their enterprizes were happily defeated by the patriotic exertions of the militia, wherever called into action, by the filelity of the army, and energy of the commander in chief, in promptly arranging the difficulties presenting themselves on the Sabine, repairing to meet those arising on the Mississippi, and dissipating before their explosion plots engendered there. I shall think it my duty to lay before you the proceedings, and the evidence publicly exhibited on the arraigument of the principal offenders before the district court of Virginia: you will be enabled to judge whether the defect was in the testimony, in the law, or in the administration of the law; and wherever it shall be found, the legislature alone can apply or originate the remedy. The framers of our constitution certainly supposed they had guarded as well their government against destruction by treason, as their citizens against oppression under pretence of it: and if these ends are not attained, it is of importance to inquire by what means more effectually they may be secured.

The