Page images
PDF
EPUB

The accounts of the receipts of revenue during the year ending on the 30th day of September last, being not yet made up, a correct statement will be hereafter transmitted from the treasury; in the mean time it is ascertained, that the receipts have amounted to near sixteen millions of dollars, which, with the five millions and a half in the treasury at the beginning of the year, have enabled us, after meeting the current demands, and interest incurred, to pay more than four millions of the principal of our funded debt.-These payments, with those of the preceding five years and a half, have extinguished of the funded debt, twenty-five inillions and a half of dollars, being the whole which could be paid or purchased within the limits of the law, and of our contracts, and have left us in the treasury eight millions and a half of dollars. A portion of this sum may be considered as a commencement of accumulation of the surplusses of revenue, which, after paying the instalments of debt as they shall become payable, will remain without any specific object. It may partly, indeed, be applied towards completing the defence of the exposed points of our country, on such a scale as shall be adapted to our principles and circumstances. This object is doubtless among the first entitled to attention, in such a state of our finances: aud it is one which, whether we have peace or war, will provide security where it is due. Whether what shall remain of this, with the future surplusses, may be usefully applied to purposes already authorised, or more useful to others requiring new authorities, or how otherwise they shall be disposed of, are questions calling for the notice of congress, unless they shall be su

perseded by a change in our public relations now awaiting the determination of others.

Whatever be that determination, it is a great consolation that it will become known at a moment when the supreme council of the nation is assembled at its post, and ready to give the aids of its wisdom and authority to whatever course the good of our country shall then call us to pursue.

Matters of minor importance will be subjects of future communications; and nothing shall be wanting on my part, which may give information or dispatch to the proceedings of the legislature, in the exercise of their high duties, and at a moment so interesting to the public welfare.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Tuesday, Oct. 27, 1807.

Order in Council.

At the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 9th of December, 1807, present, the King's most excellent Majesty in Council. It is this day ordered by his majesty, by and with the advice of his privy council, that no ships or vessels belonging to any of his majesty's subjects be permitted to enter and clear out for any of the ports within the dominion of the emperor of Russia until further order: and his majesty is further pleased to order, that a general embargo, or stop, be made of all ships and vessels whatsoever belonging to the subjects of the em peror of Russia now within, or which shall hereafter come into, any of the ports, barbours, or roads within any part of his majesty's dominions, together with all persons and effects on board all such ships and vessels;

and

and that the commanders of his majesty's ships of war and privateers do detain and bring into port all ships and vessels belonging to the subjects of the emperor of Russia, or bearing the flag of the emperor of Russia: but that the utmost care be taken for the preservation of all and every part of the cargoes on board any of the said ships or vessels, so that no damage or embezzlement whatever be sustained; and the commanders of his majesty's ships of war and privateers are hereby instructed to detain and bring into port every such ship and vessel accordingly: and the right honourable the lords commissioners of the admiralty, and the lord warden of the Cinque ports, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively appertain.

W. FAWKEner.

Spanish Order referred to in the Speech of the President of America.-[See p. 764.]

TRANSLATION.

"By the greatest outrage against humanity and against policy, Spain was forced by Great Britain to take part in the present war. This power has exercised over the sea and over the commerce of the world an exclusive dominion. Her numerous factories, disseminated through all countries, are like sponges, which imbibe the riches of those countries without leaving them more than the appearance of mercantile liberty. From this maritime and commercial despotism England derives immense tesources for carrying on a war, whose object is to destroy the commerce which belongs to each state, from its industry and situation. Experience has proved that the morality of

the British cabinet has no hesitation as to the means, so long as they lead to the accomplishment of its designs; and while this power can continue to enjoy the fruits of its immense traffic, humanity will groan under the weight of a desolating war, T put an end to this, and to attain a solid peace, the emperor of the French and king of Italy issued a decree on the 21st of November last, in which, adopting the principle of reprisals, the blockade of the Britishi isles is determined on; and his ambassador, his excellency Francis de Beauharnois, grand dignitary of the order of the Iron Crown, of the Legion of Honour, &c. &c. Having communicated this (decree) to the king our master; and his majesty being desirous to co-operate by means sanctioned by the rights of reciprocity, has been pleased to authorize his most serene highness the prince generallissimo of the marine, to issue a circular of the following tenor:

"As soon as England committed the horrible outrage of intercepting the vessels of the royal marine, insidiously violating the good faith with which peace assures individual property, and the rights of nations, bis majesty considered himself in a state of war with that power, although his royal soul suspended the promulga tion of the manifesto until he saw the atrocity committed by its seamen, sanctioned by the government of London.

"From that time and without the necessity of warning the inhabitants of these kingdonis of the circumspection with which they ought to conduct themselves towards those of a country which disregards the sacred laws of property, and the rights of nations; his majesty made known

to his subjects the state of war, in which he found himself with that nation. All trade, all commerce, is prohibited in such a situation, and no sentiments ought to be entertained towards such an enemy, which are not dictated by honour, avoiding all intercourse which might be considered as the vile effect of avarice, operating on the subjects of a nation which degrades itself in them. His majesty is well persuaded that such sentiments of honour are rooted in the hearts of his beloved subjects; but he does not choose on that account to allow the smallest indulgence to the violaters of the law, nor permit that, through their ignorance, they should be taken by surprize, authorizing me by these presents to declare that all English property shall be confiscated whenever it is found on board a vessel, although a neutral, if the consignment belongs to Spanish individuals. So likewise will be' confiscated all merchandise, which may be met with, although it may be in neutral vessels, whenever it is destined for the ports of England or her isles. And finally, his majesty conforming himself to the ideas of his ally, the emperor of the French, declares in his states, the same law, which, from principles of reciprocity, and suitable respect, his imperial majesty promulgated, under date of the 21st of November, 1806.

"The execution of this determination of his majesty, belongs to the chiefs of provinces, of departments, and of vessels (baxels); and communicating it to them in the name of his majesty, I hope they will leave no Foom for the royal displeasure. God preserve you many years.

"The Prince Generalissimo. "Aranjuez, 19th February, 1807." VOL, XLIX.

British Declaration.

The declaration issued at St. Petersburgh, by his majesty the empe ror of all the Russias, has excited in his majesty's mind the strongest sensations of astonishment and regret.

His majesty was not unaware of the nature of those secret engagements which had been imposed upon Russia in the conferences of Tilsit. But his majesty had entertained the hope, that a review of the transactions of that unfortunate negociation, and a just estimate of its effects upon the glory of the Russian name, and upon the interests of the Russian empire, would have induced his imperial majesty to extricate himself from the embarrassment of those new counsels and connections which he had adopted in a moment of despondency and alarm, and to return to a policy more congenial to the principles which he had so invariably professed, and more conducive to the honour of his crown, and to the prosperity of his dominions.

This hope has dictated to his majesty the utmost forbearance and moderation in all his diplomatic intercourse with the court of St. Petersburgh since the peace of Tilsit.

His majesty had much cause for suspicion, and just ground for complaint. But he abstained from the language of reproach. His majesty' deemed it necessary to require specific explanation with respect to those arrangements with France, the concealment of which from his majesty could not but confirm the impression already received of their character and tendency. But his majesty, nevertheless, directed the demand of that explanation to be made, not only without asperity, or the indication

3 D

of

of any hostile disposition, but with that considerate regard to the feelings and situation of the emperor of Russia, which resulted from the recollection of former friendship, and from confidence interrupted but not destroyed.

The declaration of the emperor of Russia proves that the object of his majesty's forbearance and moderation has not been attained. It proves, unhappily, that the influence of that power, which is equally and essentially the enemy both of Great Britain and of Russia, has acquired a decided ascendancy in the counsels of the cabinet of St. Petersburgh; and has been able to excite a causeless enmity between two nations, whose long established connection, and whose mutual interests, prescribed the most intimate union and cooperation.

His majesty deeply laments the extension of the calamities of war. But called upon, as he is, to defend himself against an act of unprovoked hostility, his majesty is anxious to refute in the face of the world the pretexts by which that act is attempted to be justified.

The declaration asserts that his majesty the emperor of Russia has twice taken up arms in a cause in which the interest of Great Britain was more direct than his own; and founds upon this assertion the charge against Great Britain of having neglected to second and support the military operations of Russia.

His majesty willingly does justice to the motives which originally engaged Russia in the great struggle a gainst France. His majesty avows with equal readiness the interest which Great Britain has uniformly taken in the fates and fortunes of

the powers of the Continent. But it would surely be difficult to prove that Great Britain, who was herself in a state of hostility with Prussia when the war broke out between Prussia and France, bad an interest and a duty more direct in espousing the Prussian quarrel than the empe ror of Russia, the ally of his Prussian majesty, the protector of the north of Europe, and the guarantee of the Germanic constitution.

It is not in a public declaration that his majesty can discuss the po licy of having at any particular period of the war effected, or omitted to effect, disembarkations of troops on the coasts of Naples. But the instance of the war with the Porte is still more singularly chosen to illustrate the charge against Great Britain of indifference to the interests of her ally; a war undertaken by Great Britain at the instigation of Russia, and solely for the purpose of maintaining Russian interests against the influence of France.

If, however, the peace of Tilsit is indeed to be considered as the cousequence and the punishment of the imputed inactivity of Great Britain, his majesty cannot but regret that the emperor of Russia should have resorted to so precipitate and fatal a measure, at the moment when be had received distinct assurances that his majesty was making the most strenuous exertions to fulfil the wishes and expectations of his ally (as surances which his imperial majesty received and acknowledged with ap parent confidence and satisfaction); and when his majesty was in fact, prepared to employ for the advance ment of the common objects of the war those forces which, after the peace of Tilsit, he was under the necessity of employing

employing to disconcert a combination directed against his own immunediate interests and security.

The vexation of Russian commerce by Great Britain is, in truth, little more than an imaginary grievance. Upon a diligent examination, made by his majesty's command, of the records of the British court of admiralty, there has been discovered only a solitary instance in the course of the present war, of the condemnation of a vessel really Russian; a vessel which had carried naval stores to a port of the common enemy. There are but few instances of Russian vessels detained; and none in which justice has been refused to a party regularly complaining of such detention. It is therefore matter of surprise as well as of concern to his majesty, that the emperor of Russia should have condescended to bring forward a complaint which, as it cannot be seriously felt by those in whose behalf it is urged, might appear to be intended to countenance those exaggerated declamations, by which France perseveringly endeavours to inflame the jealousy of other countries, and to justify her own inveterate animosity against Great Britain. The peace of Tilsit was followed by an offer of mediation on the part of the emperor of Russia, for the conclusion of a peace between Great Britain and France; which it is as serted that his majesty refused.

His majesty did not refuse the mediation of the emperor of Russia; although the offer of it was accompanied by circumstances of concealruent, which might well have justified his refusal. The articles of the treaty of Tilsit were not communicated to his majesty; and specifically, that article of the treaty in virtue of which

the mediation was proposed, and which prescribed a limited time for the return of his majesty's answer to that proposal. And his majesty was thus led into an apparent compli ance with a limitation so offensive to the dignity of an independent sove reign.

But the answer so returned by his majesty was not a refusal. It was a conditional acceptance. The conditions required by his majesty were, a statement of the basis upon which the enemy was disposed to treat; and a communication of the articles of the peace of Tilsit. The first of these conditions was precisely the same which the emperor of Russit had himself ancexed not four months before to his own acceptance of the proffered mediation of the em peror of Austria. The second was one which his majesty would have had a right to require, even as the ally of his imperial majesty; but which it would have been highly improvident to omit, when he was invited to confide to his imperial ma testy the care of his honour and his interests.

But even if these conditions (neither of which has been fulfilled, although the fufilment of them has been repeatedly required by his majesty's ambassador at St. Petersburgo) had not been in themselves perfectly natural and necessary; there were not wanting considerations which might have warranted his majesty in endeavouring, with more than ordinary anxiety, to ascertain the views and intentions of the emperor of Russia, and the precise nature and effect of the new relations which his imperial majesty had contracted.

The complete abandonment of the interests of the king of Prussia (who had twice rejected proposals of se3D 2 parate

« PreviousContinue »