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parate peace, from a strict adherence to his engagements with his imperial ally), and the character of those provisions which the emperor of Russia was contented to make for his own interests in the negociations of Tilsit, presented no encouraging prospect of the result of any exertions which his imperial majesty might be disposed to employ in favour of Great Britain.

It is not while a French army still occupies and lays waste the remaining dominions of the king of Prussia, in spite of the stipulations of the Prussian treaty of Tilsit; while contributions are arbitratily exacted by France from that remnant of the Prussian monarchy, such as in its entire and most flourishing state, the Prussian monarchy would have been unable to discharge; while the surrender is demanded, in time of peace, of Prussian fortresses, which had not been reduced during the war; and while the power of France is exercised over Prussia with such shame less tyranny, as to designate, and demand for instant death, individuals, subjects of his Prussian majesty, and resident in his dominions, upon a charge of disrespect towards the French government ;-it is not while all these things are done and suffered, under the eyes of the emperor of Russia, and without his interference on behalf of his ally, that his majesty can feel himself called upon to account to Europe, for having hesitated to repose an unconditional confidence in the efficacy of his imperial majesty's mediation.

Nor, even if that mediation had taken full effect, if a peace had been concluded under it, and that peace guaranteed by his imperial majesty, could his majesty have placed implicit reliance on the stability of any

such arrangement, after having seen the emperor of Russia openly transfer to France the sovereignty of the Ionian republic, the independence of which his imperial majesty recently and solemnly guaranteed.

But while the alleged rejection of the emperor of Russia's mediation, between Great Britain and France, is stated as a just ground of his imperial majesty's resentment; his majesty's request of that mediation, for the re-establishment of peace between Great Britain and Denmark, is represented as an insult which was beyond the bounds of his imperial majesty's moderation to endure.

His majesty feels himself under no obligation to offer any atonement or apology to the emperor of Russia for the expedition against Copenhagen. It is not for those who were parties to the secret arrangements of Tilsit, to demand satisfaction for a measure to which those arrangements gave rise, and by which one of the objects of them has been hap pily defeated.

His majesty's justification of the expedition against Copenhagen is before the world. The declaration of the emperor of Russia would supply whatever was wanting in it, if any thing could be wanting to convince the most incredulous of the urgency of that necessity under which his majesty acted.

But until the Russian declaration was published, his majesty had no reason to suspect that any opinions which the emperor of Russia might entertain of the transaction at Copenhagen could be such as to preclude his imperial majesty from underta king, at the request of Great Britain, that same office of mediator, which he has assumed with so much alacrity on the behalf of France. Nor

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can his majesty forget that the first symptoms of reviving confidence, since the peace of Tilsit, the only prospect of success in the endeavours of his majesty's ambassador to restore the ancient good understanding between Great Britain and Russia, appeared when the intelligence of the siege of Copenhagen had been recently received at St. Petersburgh. The inviolability of the Baltic sea, and the reciprocal guarantees of the powers that border upon it, guarantees said to have been contracted with the knowledge of the British govern ment, are stated as aggravations of his majesty's proceedings in the Baltic. It cannot be intended to represeut his majesty as having at any time acquiesced in the principles up on which the inviolability of the Baltic is maintained; however his majesty may, at particular periods, have forborne, for special reasons influencing his conduct at the time, to act in contradiction to them. Such for bearance never could have applied but to a state of peace and real neutrality in the north; and his majesty most assuredly could not be expected to recur to it, after France has been suffered to establish herself in undisputed sovereignty along the whole coast of the Baltic sea from Dantzic to Lubec.

But the higher the yalue which the emperor of Russia places on the engagements respecting the tranquillity of the Baltic, which he describes himself as inheriting from his immediate predecessors, the empress Catherine and the emperor Paul, the less justly can his imperial majesty resent the appeal made to him by his majesty as the guarantee of the peace to be concluded between Great Britain and Denmark. In making that appeal, with the utmost confi

dence and sincerity, his majesty neither intended, nor can he imagine that he offered, any insult to the emperor of Russia. Nor can his majesty conceive that, in proposing to the prince royal terms of peace, such as the most successful war on the part of Denmark could hardly have been expected to extort from Great Britain, his majesty rendered himself liable to the imputation, either of exasperating the resentment, or of outraging the dignity of Denmark.

His majesty has thus replied to all the different accusations by which the Russian government labours to justify the rupture of a connection which has subsisted for ages, with reciprocal advantage to Great Britain and Russia, and attempts to disguise the operation of that external influence by which Russia is driven into unjust hostilities for interests not her own.

The Russian declaration proceeds to announce the several conditions on which alone these hostilities can be terminated, and the intercourse of the two countries renewed.

His majesty has already had occasion to assert, that justice has in no instance been denied to the claims of his imperial majesty's subjects.

The termination of the war with Denmark has been so anxiously sought by his majesty, that it cannot be necessary for his majesty to renew any professions upon that subject. But his majesty is at a loss to reconcile the emperor of Russia's present anxiety for the completion of such an arrangement, with his imperial majesty's recent refusal to contribute his good offices for effecting it.

The requisition of his imperial majesty for the immediate conclusion, by his majesty, of a peace with France, is as extraordinary in the 3D 3 substance

tutes the sole remaining bulwark against the overwhelming usurpations of France; the only refuge to which other nations may yet resort, in happier times, for assistance and protection.

When the opportunity for peace between Great Britain and Russia shall arrive, his majesty will embrace it with eagerness. The arrangements of such a negociation will not be difficult or complicated. His ma

substance as it is offensive in the manner. His majesty has at no time declined to treat with France, when France has professed a willingness to treat on an admissible basis. And the emperor of Russia cannot fail to remember, that the last negociation between Great Britain and France was broken off, upon points immediately affecting, not his majesty's own interests, but those of his imperial ally. But his majesty neither understands, nor will he admit, the pre-jesty, as he has nothing to concede, tension of the emperor of Russia to dictate the time, or the mode, of his majesty's pacific negociations with other powers. It never will be endured by his majesty, that any government shall indemnify itself for the humiliation of subserviency to France, by the adoption of an insulting and peremptory tone towards Great Britain.

His majesty proclaims anew those principles of maritime law against which the armed neutrality, under the auspices of the empress Catherine, was originally directed, and against which the present hostilities of Russia are denounced. Those principles have been recognized and acted upon in the best periods of the history of Europe, and acted upon by no power with more strictness and severity than by Russia herself in the reign of the empress Catherine.

Those principles it is the right and the duty of his majesty to maintain ; and against every confederacy bis majesty is determined, under the blessing of divine Providence, to maintain them. They have at all times contributed essentially to the support of the maritime power of Great Britain; but they are become incalculably more valuable and important at a period when the maritime power of Great Britain consti

so he has nothing to require: satisfied, if Russia shall manifest a disposition to return to her ancient feelings of friendship towards Great Britain; to a just consideration of her own true interests; and to a sense of her own dignity as an independent nation.

Westminster, Dec. 18, 1807.

Order in Council.

At the Court at Windsor, the 18th of December, 1807, present, the King's most Excellent Majesty in Council.

His majesty having taken into consideration the injurious and hostile proceedings of the emperor of all the Russias, as set forth in the declaration of this date, issued by his majesty's command; and being determined to take such measures as are necessary for vindicating the honour of his crown, and procuring reparation and satisfaction, his majesty therefore is pleased, by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that general reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and subjects of the emperor of all the Russias (save and except any vessels to which his majesty's licence has been granted,

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or which have been directed to be released from the embargo, and have not since arrived at any foreign port), so that as well his majesty's fleets and ships, as also all other ships and vessels that shall be commissioned by letters of marque or general reprisals, or otherwise, by his majesty's commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of Great Britain, shali and may lawfully seize all ships, vessels, and goods belonging to the emperor of all the Russias, or his subjects, or others inhabiting within the territories of the emperor of all the Russias, and bring the same to judgment in any of the courts of admiralty within his majesty's dominions; and to that end, his majesty's advocate general, with the ad vocate of the admiralty, are forth with to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his, majesty at this board, authorising the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral, or any person or persons by them empowered and appointed, to issue forth and grant letters of marque and reprisals to any of his majesty's subjects, or others whom the said commissioners shall deem fitly qualified in that behalf, for the apprehending, seizing, and taking the ships, vessels, and goods belonging to Russia, and the vassals and subjects of the emperor of all the Russias, or any inhabiting within his countries, territories, or dominions (except as aforesaid); and that such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and his najesty's advocate general, with the advocate of the adiniralty, are also forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his majesty at this board, authorizing

the said commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral, to will and require the high court of admiralty of Great Britain, and the hentenant and judge of the said court his surrogate, or surrogates, as also the several courts of admiralty within his majesty's dominions, to take cognizance of, and judicially proceed upon, all and all manner of captures, seizures, prizes, and reprisals of all such ships and goods as shall be taken, and to hear and determine the same, and according to the course of admiralty, and the laws of nations, to adjudge and condemn all such ships, vessels, and goods as shall belong to Russia, or the vassals and subjects of the emperor of all the Russias, or to any others inhabiting within any of his countries, territories, and dominions (except as aforesaid); and that such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and they are likewise to prepare, and lay before his majesty at this board, a draft of such instructions as may be proper to be sent to the courts of the admiralty in his majesty's foreign governments and plantations, for their guid ance herein; as also another draft of instructions, for such ships as shall be commissioned for the purpose above mentioned.

(Signed) CAMDEN, P. &c. &c.

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sacrifices; even going to the extremity the marquis de Abrantio Francisco

of shutting the ports of my dominions, to the subjects of my ancient and royal ally, the king of Great Britain, thus exposing the commerce of my people to total ruin, and consequently suffer, ing the greatest losses in the collection of my royal revenues of the crown, I find that troops of the emperor of the French and king of Italy, to whom I had united myself on the continent, in the hope of being no more disturbed, are actually marching into the interior of my kingdom, and are even on their way to this capital; and desiring to avoid the fatal consequences of a defence, which would be far more dangerous than profitable, serving only to create an effusion of blood, dreadful to hùmanity, and to enflame the animosity of the troops which have entered this kingdom, with the declaration and promise of not committing any the smallest hostility; and knowing also, that they are most particularly destined against my royal person, and that my faithful subjects would be less alarmed were I absent from this kingdom; I have resolved, for the benefit of my subjects, to retire with the queen and my mother and all my royal family, to my dominions in America, there to establish myself in the city of Rio de Janeiro, until a general peace. And moreover, considering the importance of leaving the government of these kingdoms in that good order, which is for its advantage, and for that of my people (a matter which I am essentially bound to provide for); and having duly made all the reflections presented by the occasions, I have resolved to nominate as governor and regent of these kingdoms during my absence, my truly beloved cousin

da Cunha de Menezes, lieutenantgeneral of my forces, the principal Castro (one of my council, and a Regido Justica); Paetrode Mello Breyner, also of my council, who will act as president of my treasury, during the incapacity of Luis de Vasconcellos e Sanzi, (who is unable so to do at present on account of illness); Don Francisco de Nerocha, president of the board of conscience and religious orders; and in the absence of any of them, the conde de Castro Mazim (grand huntsman); whom I have nominated president of the senate, with the assistance of the secretaries thereof, the conde de Sampayne, and in his absence Don Miguel Perrura Forjaz, and of my attorney general Joas Antonio Salter de Mendenca, on account of the great confidence which I have in them, and of the experience which they possess in matters of govern ment; being certain that my people. and kingdom will be governed and directed in such a manner that my conscience shall be clear, and that this regency will entirely fulfil its du ty so long as it shall please God that I should be absent from this capital, administering justice with impartiality, distributing rewards and punishments according to deserts. And these regents will further take this as my pleasure, and fulfil my order in the form thus mentioned, and in conformity to the Instructions signed by me, and accompanying this decree which they will communicate to the proper departments.

Palace of the Ajuda, November 27, 1807.

(Signed)

THE PRINCE.
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