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military point of view, the most complete and effectual of all his operations. After Ulm and Austerlitz, Hungary and Gallicia were still un pierced, but the Prussian monarchy was, after Jena, pierced through and through—transfixed in fact. As his career rolls on we find him gradually alienating from his inner confidence the men who gave him the soundest advice. Talleyrand, who, with all his foppery, frivolity, insincerity, indolence, and indifference, had a masterly soundness of judgment, and largeness of view, was turned into a mere court appendage, whose manners were used for the purpose of entertaining and unconsciously deceiving foreign ministers with professions which were often in accordance with the convictions of this accomplished minister for Foreign Affairs, but who, from confidence withheld, no longer represented the mind of the French Emperor. As for the judicious Cambaceres, Napoleon showed him more respect. Ho did not profess, as in the case of Talleyrand, to show him a confidence which he did not give in reality, but he abstained from exposing himself to that honest and unwelcome advice, which, if followed, might have averted the final catastrophe.
The sciences in general being more cognate to the art of war than literature, certainly flourished during his reign. The Institute of Egypt having brought him into close relation with Monge, Berthollet, and other eminent men, he never ceased during his intervals of leisure to extend to them the Imperial patronage. Appointments, appanages, and titles, fell to the principal members of this society. Pensions and decorations were showered on the less conspicuous. It was, indeed, a brilliant, scientific, and artistic society that comprised the names of Monge, Berthollet, Cuvier, Alexander Humboldt, Denon, Fourier, Canova, David, Laplace, and other mathematicians of the highest class, whose names are familiar to all. But his attempt to manufacture an accommodating imperial literature by decennial prizes and other mechanical artifices was a dead failure. Even a man of undoubted talent, such as Fontanes is, now a-days remembered rather as an appendage of the court, and as a master of the academy of compliments as then in vogue, than as the genuine poet or orator. All the high literature belonged to the Fronde,—Madame de Stael, with those annoyances, pompously styled "exile and persecution," which furnished the stuff for some of the most racy productions; Chateaubriand, who went up like a rocket at the beginning of the century, and came down like a stick with his records of the Congress of Verona; Joseph de Maistre and Bonald—the one an alien, and both enemies at the head of the political literature of that period, were not the offspring of that society, or of that spirit. If literati did not like him, he was equally decided in his antipathy to them, an ideologue was his horror. In fact, most monarchs and practical statesmen have an antipathy to what is now called a "doctrinaire;" they have the true instinct that a man who is fanatically attached to his programme provokingly escapes the operation of the law which draws the rest of mankind into the nets of power by the ordinary baits for avarice and ambition.
Wits certainly flourished during that period; Merle, the predecessor of Scribe, in vaudeville and light comedy delighted the town, and we are sure that many a "Ci-derant jeune homme" of our military clubs who carries back his recollections to a visit to Paris at the peace, must recollect how he laughed on seeing a piece with this title, which was the popular one of the latter years of the empire, and which still maintains its place on the French boards. These Champforts of a previous age were fast dying off. But the Jouys, Poirsons, and Berangers, and many other pleasant humourists of the restoration, were then about to supply their place. In imitative art David was supreme. This severely conscientious painter was certainly one of the greatest anatomists and draughtsmen that any school of art has produced. But the mania for the paraphernalia of classicism was destructive of that immediate human interest which the painter is now expected to evolve. The loose, dashing, and brilliant battle scenes of Gros, popular at the time, have to this day a great historic interest and positive value, as faithfully representative of the personages of the Imperial Camp, with the utmost correctness of costumes and accessories. Gerard, with his countless and excellent portraits, was also a considerable illustrator of the external aspects of the French imperial regime; and to pictures of this class we must add the ceremonial ones of David, representing the coronation of the emperor and empress, and other events of the period. These men had not the colour, the feeling, and the invention of many of their successors of the romantic school, but the rigid severity of these elders in drawing and in anatomy is more than anything else the cause of the splendid eminence of the modern school of France in historical painting.*
The literary style of Napoleon himself has the highest practical merit, and his correspondence is what is called in literary jargon "close writing." All compact and solid like one of his own columns of attack, he moves straight to the object in view. The vigour and intensity of his nature stamps itself unmistakeably in his correspondence and instructions, and we look anxiously forward to the termination of the publication of that complete edition of his works and correspondence which the present Emperor of the French has projected, persuaded that, from what we know of the already published " Correspondence Gendrale," it will prove the richest existing mine for the use of the higher strategist, the fighting general, the administrator, and the man of the world. We scarcely dare add "statesman" to this catalogue, for that implies a conscientiousness and love of truth, a respect for the laws of nations, and that higher reason which discounsels extreme measures, which Napoleon possessed in a degree too
* We draw the attention of our readers to the very interesting series of portraits of the Bonaparte family by Gerard, now in the Crystal Palace picture gallery. They were painted for Jerome, then King of Westphalia, being the duplicates of those in the possession of the emperor. But in the year 1813, when the troopers of Czernicheff and Tettenborn overran northern Germany, they were appropriated and subsequently sold, hence their appearance in this country. The portrait of Napoleon himself, with Malmaison in the distance, has been repeatedly engraved, and was considered after the fall of the empire as the most perfect representation of his personal appearance, in the costume of active duty, before the corpulence which had beset him at the close of his reign. The clear backgrounds are a little strange to English eyes, but the painting is everywhere firm and sustained, the individuality of every head, from the dignified Madame Mere to the unmeaning carrotty-polled.German chamberlain, is perfect
limited to enable us to assign to him the potent, grave, and reverend epithet of " statesman."
But with all this directness and masculine vigour of style, with all this absence of a petty elaboration of the mere vehicle of thought, he was full of the flowers of rhetoric; illustration came to him with the utmost aptness, from the easy and familiar up to the vitriolic acid of the most pungent satire. What more assuring to an accoucheur, terrorstruck with the responsibility of ushering into existence the heir of the formidable emperor, than his expression, "just suppose you were delivering not an empress, but a marchande of the Rue St. Denis." When people were praising the scientific retreats of Moreau, General Bonaparte wrote home from Italy for a bold cavalry general, "but," added he, "it will not be the smallest objection to him if he has not the knack of making scientific retreats." Instances of wit by the dozen might be adduced, but all thrown off for the sake of the essential object, never for the sake of the mere bon mot. Nor did he tolerate in others either humour or pathos that was not subordinate to the business in hand. When during the camp at Boulogne, and his grand projected naval combinations, Admiral Decres, his marine minister, wrote him a sentimental letter on the shortcomings of the French navy, with professions of anxiety to please him, and a picture of his distress at the imperial dissatisfaction; he wrote back, asking no more such letters to be written, "they do no good," added he, "I merely want to succeed."
But enough for the present; on another occasion we will pursue this interesting subject.
A. A. P.
NOTES ON MILITARY SCIENCE.
(Continued from p. 579.) Lecture X.
Is bringing under your notice the memorable engagements in the campaigns of Caesar, his rival Pompey appeared upon the field; and, in honour to the memory of that distinguished soldier, I have broken the thread of my narrative; and, accompanying the defeated and desponding commander, have closed his career with the account of his tragic and murderous death. We will now return to the victorious army of Csesar, who, ever mindful of discipline, allowed his soldiers but two days' repose or relaxation of duty in the scene of their triumph, and in the enjoyment of the spoils they had acquired. At the end of that time, he moved his troops rapidly forward in pursuit of Pompey, reached Amphipolis just after the fugitives' departure, and crossed the Hellespont. Having reached the coast of Asia, he advanced more leisurely with two legions consisting of 3,200 infantry and 800 cavalry, and arrived a few days after the death of Pompey off the port of Alexandria. Immediately on the appearance of Caesar's vessels Theodotus lost no time in bearing to him the head and ring of his late rival, ima
gining that these tokens of Pompey's death would be most acceptable. Caesar, however, to the great surprise and confusion of the assassins, was deeply distressed at the sight of the mangled head, and gave orders that it should be consumed with the most costly spices, retaining the ring as a memento and testimony of the death of the unfortunate and treacherously murdered Pompey.
Our survey of Caesar's military career is now rapidly drawing to a close; and, passing over his actions and successes after the discomfiture of Pompey's forces, I shall at once bring under your notice the decisive battle of Thapsus; as in the intermediate space of time, Caesar's movements (though of importance historically) lead to no engagement, or strategetical operation of sufficient interest for our present consideration. Let us, therefore, resume our military survey at the period when Caesar, having fortified his position on the coast of Africa, in connexion with the town and harbour of Ruspina, awaited his reinforcements; and, on their arrival, trained and disciplined his soldiers for the forthcoming and important struggle between himself and the senatorial chiefs. Every requisite preparation having been made, the troops having been well organized, and both cavalry and infantry accustomed to the sight, and mode of encountering elephants (some of these uncouth and unwieldy animals having been brought for the purpose of training the men to resist or attack them), Caesar, now feeling confident of success, endeavoured to draw his adversary into a general engagement. Having been unable to effect this, he issued from his encampment by night, and marched sixteen miles to Thapsus, where Vergilius was stationed with a considerable force. Scipio on perceiving the determination of Caesar to invest the town lost no time in following the track of the enemy, and pitched his camp against him, about eight miles from Thapsus. Caesar however, intent on the main object in view, a general engagement, in this instance as well as many others I have already recounted, immediately took advantage of the nature of the ground, both with reference to defensive as well as offensive operations; and, profiting by the few hours in which he had outmanoeuvred his opponents, he took possession of the only route by which Scipio's army could communicate with the place, this being a long barren strip of land, bounded by a salt-water lake on one side, and the sea on the other. The tenure of this isthmus had been secured before the arrival of Scipio, fortifications had been constructed, and a strong body of troops had been posted within the works of their defence. These judicious dispositions having been effected, the investment of the city was commenced, when Scipio, finding that he was now unable to force an entrance into it, was obliged to content himself with taking up a position on the shore, from whence he might observe, and endeavour to frustrate the operations of the besiegers. Some of his troops were employed in throwing up intrenchments; and the main body was drawn up in battle array for their protection, when the ever-watchful eye of Caesar perceived that the fortuitous moment had arrived for striking the long-desired blow; immediately, therefore, he led forth his troops to the encounter, leaving two legions to cover his works, and issuing orders to a portion of his fleet to divert the attention of the enemy by threatening to land troops in their rear.
Battle of Thtpsut.—A momentary doubt as to the successful result of the approaching engagement flashed across the mind of Caesar, a considerable portion of his troops being raw recruits, who had never before faced an enemy. To encourage and animate these, he pointed out to them the firm and well-disciplined veterans around them, and urged them to strive to emulate the fame that these heroes had so nobly gained. His exhortations were strengthened by the apparent vacillation and irresolution of his opponents, and the enthusiasm of his own troops became excited to the highest pitch, the officers crowding round their general, and imploring him to order the assault. Still hesitating, or watching for the most favourable opportunity to cry—" Havoc and let slip the dogs of war," he was surprised by the sudden blast of a single trumpet from the right wing, composed of the tenth legion, whose impetuous ardour would no longer endure restraint, and who, disdaining or disregarding the efforts made to prevent their furious charge, rushed forward in resolute and compact order, the hearts of all being as one, determined on gaining the victory. It was in vain now to attempt to stem the torrent of bravery, all that could be done was to direct its course, and Caesar, turning to his staff, exclaimed—" Good luck;" and, sharing the enthusiastic ardour of his gallant legion, ordered the general engagement to commence—himself spurring his horse to the head of the attacking battalions. Such an onset was irresistible, self-confidence, discipline, and highly excited courage were not opposed by attributes of the same high standard, and the battle was speedily decided. The instruction which Caesar's soldiers had previously received in the most efficient method of attacking the elephants now did good service; for these animals, maddened with the discharge of darts, arrows, and stones, turned wildly on the ranks they were intended to cover and support, and totally broke their array.
The native cavalry, deprived of their accustomed coadjutors, lost all confidence, dispersed, and fled from the field; and the legionary force of Scipio, witnessing this overwhelming discomfiture, made very little further resistance; and being soon overpowered, were forced to retreat to their camp in the rear, and to shelter themselves within the intrenchments. Their misfortunes had not yet terminated: the camp itself was no harbour of refuge; a leader was needed to reorganize and rally the half vanquished combatants, but their officers had deserted them, and there was no commander to direct their movements for the defence of the intrenchments. A panic-terror became universal; the fugitives, casting away their weapons, rushed in despair to the Numidian encampment, hoping at last to find shelter and security; but on arriving there, again were they doomed to disappointment and dismay, for that camp was already in the possession of the victorious troops of Caesar. Thus entirely deprived of any place of refuge, the desponding and defenceless fugitives withdrew to a neighbouring eminence, where, on the approach of the conquerors, they held out their unarmed hands in token of submission, and implored for mercy from their relentless pursuers. Vain were their intreaties, and totally indifferent were the victors to their abject and humiliating condition; the slaughter was indiscriminate, and universal throughout the whole of the unresisting multitude; and, in the infuriated assaults, the veterans