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On a day come tiding
Unto Charls the King,

Al of a doughti knight
Was comen to Navers,
Stout he was and fers,
Vernagú he hight.
Of Babiloun the soudan
Thider him sende gan,

With King Charls to fight.
So hard he was to-fond1
That no dint of brond

No greued him, aplight.

He hadde twenti men strengthe
And forti fet of lengthe,

Thilke painim hede,"

And four feet in the face,
Y-meten3 in the place,

And fifteen in brede.

His nose was a fot and more;
His brow, as bristles wore;'

He that it seighe it sede.

He loked lotheliche,

And was swart as any piche,

Of him men might adrede.

Romance of Charlemagne, ll. 461–484; Auchinleck MS., fol. 265.

Ascapart, or Ascabart, makes a very material figure in the History of Bevis of Hampton, by whom he was conquered. His effigies may be seen guarding one side of a gate at Southampton, while the other is occupied by Sir Bevis himself. The dimensions of Ascabart were little inferior to those of Ferragus, if the following description be correct:

1 Found, proved.

7 Fully. • Rough.

They metten with a geaunt,
With a lotheliche semblaunt.
He was wonderliche strong,

Rome' thretti fote long.

His berd was bot gret and rowe;

A space of a fot betweene is browe:
His clob was, to yeue1o a strok,

A lite bodi of an oak."

Beues hadde of him wonder gret,
And askede him what a het,12

And yaf 13 men of his contre

Were ase meche ase was he.

'Me name,' a sede, 15 'is Ascopard,

Garci me sent hiderward,

For to bring this quene ayen,

And the Beues her of-slen.10

? Had. • Measured. 4 Breadth.

12 He hight, was called.

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16 Slay.

• His. 10 Give. 11 The stem of a little oak-tree.

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Icham Garci is1 champioun,
And was i-driue out of me? toun
Al for that ich was so lite.3
Eueri man me wolde smite,
Ich was so lite and so merugh,
Eueri man me clepede dwerugh.s
And now icham in this londe,
I wax mor ich understonde,
And stranger than other tene;'
And that schel on us be sene.'

Sir Bevis of Hampton, l. 2512; Auchinleck MS., fol. 189.

NCTE 9, p. 33

The Highlanders, who carried hospitality to a punctilious excess, are said to have considered it as churlish to ask a stranger his name or lineage before he had taken refreshment. Feuds were so frequent among them that a contrary rule would in many cases have produced the discovery of some circumstance which might have excluded the guest from the benefit of the assistance he stood in need of.

NOTE 10, p. 35

'They' (meaning the Highlanders) 'delight much in musicke, but chiefly in harps and clairschoes of their own fashion. The strings of the clairschoes are made of brass wire, and the strings of the harps of sinews; which strings they strike either with their nayles, growing long, or else with an instrument appointed for that use. They take great pleasure to decke their harps and clairschoes with silver and precious stones; the poore ones that cannot attayne hereunto, decke them with christall. They sing verses prettily compound, contayning (for the most part) prayses of valiant men. There is not almost any other argument, whereof their rhymes intreat. They speak the ancient French language, altered a little.'8

'The harp and clairschoes are now only heard of in the Highlands in ancient song. At what period these instruments ceased to be used, is not on record; and tradition is silent on this head. 1 His. 2 My. 3 Little. 4 Lean. 5 Dwarf. Greater, taller. 7 Ten.

8 Certayne Matters concerning the Realme of Scotland, etc., as they were Anno Domini 1597. London, 1603, 4to.

But, as Irish harpers occasionally visited the Highlands and Western Isles till lately, the harp might have been extant so late as the middle of the present century. Thus far we know, that from remote times down to the present, harpers were received as welcome guests, particularly in the Highlands of Scotland; and so late as the latter end of the sixteenth century, as appears by the above quotation, the harp was in common use among the natives of the Western Isles. How it happened that the noisy and inharmonious bagpipe banished the soft and expressive harp, we cannot say; but certain it is, that the bagpipe is now the only instrument that obtains universally in the Highland districts.' (Campbell's Journey through North Britain, London, 1808, 4to, I, 175.)

Mr. Gunn of Edinburgh has lately published a curious Essay upon the Harp and Harp Music of the Highlands of Scotland. That the instrument was once in common use there is most certain. Cleland numbers an acquaintance with it among the few accomplishments which his satire allows to the Highlanders:— In nothing they 're accounted sharp, Except in bagpipe or in harp.

NOTE II, p. 41

That Highland chieftains to a late period retained in their service the bard, as a family officer, admits of very easy proof. The author of the Letters from the North of Scotland, an officer of engineers, quartered at Inverness about 1720, who certainly cannot be deemed a favourable witness, gives the following account of the office, and of a bard, whom he heard exercise his talent of recitation:

'The bard is skilled in the genealogy of all the Highland families, sometimes preceptor to the young laird, celebrates in Irish verse the original of the tribe, the famous warlike actions of the successive heads, and sings his own lyricks as an opiate to the chief, when indisposed for sleep; but poets are not equally esteemed and honoured in all countries. I happened to be a witness of the dishonour done to the muse, at the house of one of the

chiefs, where two of these bards were set at a good distance, at the lower end of a long table, with a parcel of Highlanders of no extraordinary appearance, over a cup of ale. Poor inspiration! They were not asked to drink a glass of wine at our table, though the whole company consisted only of the great man, one of his near relations, and myself. After some little time, the chief ordered one of them to sing me a Highland song. The bard readily obeyed, and with a hoarse voice, and in a tune of few various notes, began, as I was told, one of his own lyricks; and when he had proceeded to the fourth or fifth stanza, I perceived, by the names of several persons, glens, and mountains, which I had known or heard of before, that it was an account of some clan battle. But in his going on, the chief (who piques himself upon his school-learning) at some particular passage, bid him cease, and cryed out, "There's nothing like that in Virgil or Homer." I bowed, and told him I believed so. This you may believe was very edifying and delightful.' (Letters, II, 167.)

NOTE 12, p. 45

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The ancient and powerful family of Graham (which for metrical reasons is here spelled after the Scottish pronunciation) held extensive possessions in the counties of Dumbarton and Stirling. Few families can boast of more historical renown, having claim to three of the most remarkable characters in the Scottish annals. Sir John the Græme, the faithful and undaunted partaker of the labours and patriotic warfare of Wallace, fell in the unfortunate field of Falkirk, in 1298. The celebrated Marquis of Montrose, in whom De Retz saw realised his abstract idea of the heroes of antiquity, was the second of these worthies. And notwithstanding the severity of his temper and the rigour with which he executed the oppressive mandates of the princes whom he served, I do not hesitate to name as a third, John Græm of Claverhouse, Viscount of Dundee, whose heroic death in the arms of victory may be allowed to cancel the memory of his cruelty to the Nonconformists during the reigns of Charles II and James II

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NOTE 13, p. 46

I am not prepared to show that St. Modan was a performer on the harp. It was, however, no unsaintly accomplishment; for St. Dunstan certainly did play upon that instrument, which retaining, as was natural, a portion of the sanctity attached to its master's character, announced future events by its spontaneous sound.

'But labouring once in these mechanic arts for a devout matrone that had sett him on work, his violl, that hung by him on the wall, of its own accord, without anie man's helpe, distinctly sounded this anthime: Gaudent in cælis animæ sanctorum qui Christi vestigia sunt secuti; et quia pro eius amore sanguinem suum fuderunt, ideo cum Christo gaudent æternum. Whereat all the companie being much astonished, turned their eyes from beholding him working, to looke on that strange accident. . . . Not long after, manie of the court that hitherunto had borne a kind of fayned freindship towards him, began now greatly to envie at his progresse and rising in goodnes, using manie crooked, backbiting meanes to diffame his vertues with the black maskes of hypocrisie. And the better to authorise their calumnie, they brought in this that happened in the violl, affirming it to have been done by art magick. What more? this wicked rumour encreased dayly, till the king and others of the nobilitie taking hould thereof, Dunstan grew odious in their sight. Therefore he resolued to leaue the court, and goe to Elphegus, surnamed the Bauld, then bishop of Winchester, who was his cozen. Which his enemies understanding, they layd wayt for him in the way, and hauing throwne him off his horse, beate him, and dragged him in the durt in the most miserable manner, meaning to have slaine him, had not a companie of mastiue dogges, that came unlookt uppon them, defended and redeemed him from their crueltie. When with sorrow he was ashamed to see dogges more humane than they. And giuing thankes to Almightie God, he sensibly againe perceiued that the tunes of his violl had giuen him a warning of future accidents.' (Flower of the Lives of the

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