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fidence in Parliament. If the public trea- monarchies, it was necessary, in effect, to fures had been exhausted in magnificence destroy tirose appropriations of revenue, which and splendor, this distress would have been seein to limit the property, as the other accounted for, and in some measure justified. laws had done the poivers, of the Crown. But the generality of people, it must be con An opportunity for this purpose was taken, fessed, do feel a good deal mortified, when upon an application to Parliament for pagthey compare the wants of the Court with

ment of the debts of the Civil List; which, its expences. Nothing expended, nothing in 1969, had amounted to 513,000). Suci faved." Their wonder is increased by their application had been nrade úpon former ocknowledge, that, belides the revenue settled canions; but to do it in the former inanner or his Majesty's Civil Lift to the amount of would by no means answer the present, 800,oool. a year, he has a farther aid, from purpose. a large pention litt, near 90,000l. a year, in To have exceeded the sum given for the Ireland, froin the produce of the Duchy of Civil List, and to have incurred a debt withLancaster (which we are told has been greatly out special authority of Parliament, was, improved;) from the revenue of the Duchy of prima facie, a criminal act : As Ministers. Cornwall from the American quit-rents ; ought naturally rather to liave withdrawn it. from the four and a half per cent duty in the from the inspection, than to have exposed it Leeward islands; this lalt worth to be sure to the scrutiny, of Parliament. Certainly considerably more than 40,000l. a year. they ought, of theinfelves, officiously to The whole is certainly not much short of a have come armed with every sort of argumillion annually.

ment, which, by explaining, could excuse These are seventies within the knowledge a matter in itself of presumpńve guilt. But and cognisance of our national Councils. the terrors of the House of Commons are no We have no direct right to examine into the longer for Ministers. receipts from his Majesty's German domi On the other hand, the peculiar character nions and the bishopric of Csabrug. This of the House of Commons, as Truftee of produce the people do not believe to be the public purse, would have led them to hoarded, nor perceive to be spent. It is call with a punétilious follicitude for every accounted for, in the only manner it can, by public account, and to have examined ito. supposing that it is drawn away for the sup- them with the most rigorous accuracy, port of that Court faction, which, whilst it The capital use of an account is, that the diftresses the nation, impoverishes the Prince reality of ihe charge, the reason of incurring in every one of his resources. This system it, and the justice and necessity of dischargof Favouritism has therefore been so little ing it, should all appear, antecedent to the advantageous to the Monarch himself, that, payment. No man ever pays first

, and cails without magnificence, it has funk him into for his account afterwards; because he a state of unnatural poverty, at the same would thereby let out of his hands the printime that he poslessed every means of allu- cipal, and indeed only effectual, means of ence, from ample reverues, both in this compelling a full and fair one. But, in nacounuy, and in other parts of his domi- tional buliness, there is an additional reason nions.

for a previous production of every account. Now, if this system has so ill answerel its It is a check, perhaps the only one, upon a own grand pretence of saving the King from corrupt and prodigal use of public money, the necessity of employing perfons dilagree- An account after payment is to no rational able to him, has it given more peace and purpose an account. However, the House tranquillity to bis Majesty's private hours? of Commons thought all these to be antiNo, most certainly, 'The Father of his quated principles, they were of opinion, people cannot poslíb!y enjoy repɔle, while that the mot Parliamentary, way of prohis family is in such a state of distraction. ceeding was to pay first what the Court Then what has the Crown or the King pro- thought proper to demand, and to take its fired by all this fine-wrought scheme? Is he chance for an examination into accounts at more rich, or more splendid, or more pow- some time of greater 'eisure. erful, or more at his ease, by so many la. The nation had fecued 800,cool. a year bours and contrivances? Have they not beg. on the Crown, as fuificient for the support gared his Excheques, tarnished the splen for of its dignity, upon the estinate of its own of this Court, funk his dignity, galled his Ministers. When Ministers came to Par feelings, and discomposed the whole orderliament, and said that this allowance had and happiness of his private life?

not been fufficient for the purpose, and that To complete the scheme of bringing our they had incurred a debt of 500,000). would Court to a resemblance to the reighbouring it tot have been natural for Parliamer.t firkt

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to have asked, How, and by what means, Though, in truth, the payment, from the their appropriated allowance came to be in- Sinking Fund, of debt which was never fufficient? Would it not have savoured of contracted by Parliamentary authority, was, some attention to justice to have seen in what to all intents and purposes, so much debt periods of Administration this debt had been incurred. But fuch is the present notion of originally incurred ? that they might ditco- public credit, and paynent of debt. No ver, and, if need were, animadvert on, the wonder that it produces such effects. persons who were found the most culpable ? Our author concludes by obferving, that, To put their hands upon fush articles of if the reader believes that there really exists expenditure as they thought improper or ex a faction ruling by the private inclinations cellive, and to secure, in future, against such of a Court against the general sense of the milapplication or exceeding? Accounts for people ; and that this fačtion, whilft it puany other purposes are but a matter of curi- lues a icheme for undermining all the founofity, and no genuine Parliamentary obje:t. dations of our freedom, weakens (for the All the accounts which could answer any of present at least) all the powers of executory these purposes were refused, or pottponed by Government, rendering us abroad conprevious questions. Every idea of preven- temptible, and at home distracted; he will tion was rejected, as conveying an improper believe alfo, that nothing but a firm combi fufpicion of the Ministers of the Crown. nation of public men against this body, and

When every leading account had been re- that, too, fupported by the hearty concur. fused, many others were granted with suffi rence of the people at large, can possibly get cient facility. But, with great candour also, the better of it. The people will see the the House was informed, that hardly any necessity of restoring public men to an atof them could be ready until the next fel- tention to the public opinion, and of refion ; some of them, perhaps, not so soon. storing the constitution to its criginal prinBut, in order firmly to establith the prece- ciples. Above all, they will endeavour to dent of payment previous to account, and keep the House of Commons from affuming to form it into a settled rule of the House, a character which does not belong to it. the god in the machine was brought down, When the House of Commons have learned nothing less than the wonder-working law this lefon themselves, they will be willing of Parliament. It was alledged, that it is and able to teach the Court, that it is the the law of Parliament, when any demand true interest of the Prince to have but one comes from the Crown, that the House muit Administration ; and that one composed of go immediately into the Committee of Sup- those who recommend themfelves to their ply ; in which Committee it was allowed, Sovereign through the opinion of their counthat the production and examination of ac try, and not by their obsequiousness to a facounts would be quite proper and regular, vourite. Such men will serve their Sover It was therefore carried, that they should go reign with affection and sidelity, because his into the Committee without delay, and wiih- choice of them, upon such principles, is a out accounts, in order to examine with great compliment to their virtue. They will be order and regularity things that could not able to serve him effectually, because they possibly come before them. After this stroke will add the weight of the Country to the of orderly and Parliamentary wit and hu- force of the executory Power. Thcy will mour, they went into the Committee, and be able to ferve their King with dignity, very generously voted the payment. because they will never abuse

his name to the There was a circumitance in that debate gratification of their private fpleen or avatoo remarkable to be overlooked. This rice. This, with allowances for human debt of the Civil List was all along argued frailty, may, probably, be the general chaupon the same footing as a debt of the State, racter of a Ministry, which thinks itielf contracted upon national authority. Its accountable to the House of Commons, payment was urged, as equally preiling upon when the House of Commons thinks itself the public faith and honour ; and, when accountable to its constituents. If other the whole year's account was stated, in what ideas should prevail, things must remain in is called “The Budget,' the Ministry va their present confusion ; until they are hurlued themselves on the payment of so much ried into all the rage of civil violence: C public debt, just as if they had discharged until they fink into the dead repose of dėl500,000l. of Navy or Exchequer bils. tilm.



THE fupreme sense and relish of vir- part tvith the enemies of thy Prince ; whom

tue, or of whatever is lovely and he ever wins, thou art loft. If thy Prince roit in affections and conduct, is not to be prosper, thou art proclaimed a rebel, and obtained by perusing dull, forma) lectures mult expect the consequence; if the enemy on the several virtues and vices, and de- prevail, thou art reckoned but a meritoria claiming loosely on their effect; but by ex ous traitor : Though he may like and love hibiting to the moral eye living examples, thy treason, yet he will hate and despise or, what is nearest to those pictures, genuine thee. copies of manners, that it may learn easily Nothing is a greater argtument of a brave to separate between the fair and harmonious, soul, and impregnable virtue, than for a and the deformed and dissonant.

man to be so much master of himself, that He, that allows himself to taste those he can either take or leave those convenienpleasures which he denies his wife, acts like cies of life, with respect to which most are a man who would injoin his wife to oppose either uneasy without thera, or intemperate those enemies to which he has already fur with them. rendered.

The man, who praises drinking, stands a As the vexations, which parents receive for convicted on his own evidence. It is from their children, haften the approach of very common, that events arise from a deage, and double the force of years ; so the bauch which are fatal, and always such as comforts, which they reap from them, are are disagreeable. With all a man's reason balm to all other forrows, and disappoint the and good sense about him, his tongue is apt injuries of time. Parents repeat their lives in to utter things, out of mere gaiety of heart, their offsprings; and their concern for them which may displease his best friends : Who; is fo near, that they feel all sufferings, and then, would trust himself to the power of taste all enjoyments, as much as if they re wine, if there was no other objection against garded their own proper persons.

it than this, that it raises the imagination, Defer not charities till death. He, that and depresses the judgment? doth so, is rather liberal of another man's An industrious and virtuous education of fubftance, than of his own,

children is a better inheritance for them The best preservative of female honour is than a great estate. To what purpose is it, female delicacy: Modesty is the handmaid said Crates, to heap up great riches, and to of virtue, appointed to tend, to dress, and have no concern what manner of heirs you serve her : It is, as it were, a kind of ar leave them to? mour, which the sex should always bear, Equity is the band of human fociety, a both to adom and defend them; and, when kind of tacit agreement and impression of that is laid afide, they are neither beautiful Nature, without

which there is not any thing nor safe.

we do that can deferve commendation. EThe feverest punishment of an injury is quity judges with lenity, laws with extrethe conscience of having done it; and no mity. In all moral cases, the reason of the man suffers more, than he that is turned over law is the law. to the pain of repentance.

Every wise man, especially in authority A man cannot answer for his courage and command, ought to regard justice, prowho has never been in danger. Perfect bity, and the faith of engagements, as the courage consists in doing, without witnesses, most precious treasure he can possess, and as all we should be capable of doing before the an assured resource, and an infallible fupwhole world.

port, in all the events that can happen. If the first sparks of vice were quenched, Love is the life and soul of every relative there would be no Aimez for, How can he duty; the powerful, inlivening principle, kill who dares not meditate revenge? Or which alone can inspire us with vigour and he be an adulterer, in act, that does not activity in the execution of it. without transgress in defire ? How can he be per- this, even diligence is ungrateful, and subjured, that fears an oath ? Or he defraud, mission itself has the air of disobedience. who dares not allow himself to covet ?

The heart has no avenue so open as that There never was found any pretended of fattery, which,like fome inchantment, conscientious zeal, but it was always most lays all its guards asleep. certainly attended with a fierce fpirit of im Good counsel is ciit away upon the arroplacable cruelty.

gant, the self-conceited, or the stupid; who Let no price or promises bribe thee to take are either too proud to make it, or ino heavy

to understand it. If you be consulted con- ship sure and lasting, are virtue, purity of cerning a perfon either passionate, incon manners, an elevated soul, and a perfect ftant, or vicious, give not your advice : It integrity of heart. is in vain ; for such will do only what fald Love of gaming corrupts the bett prin please themselves.

ciples in the world : Like a quick-land, it Thole, in whose minds Sovereign Power swallows up a man in a moment. These is has wrought infatuation, will teach polte- one affliction from guning which is latting, rity, that, when once they alsandon them- and that is the lots of an eltate. Time, felves to the delusions of Fortune, the erales which alleviates all others, tharpens this. from their minds all the feeds of goodnels We feel it every moment, during the course implanted in them by Nature.

of our lives, continually missing the fortune Without friendship life has no charm. we have lost. The only things, which can render friend

The Life of LUDLOW continued, from Page 197 of our last. UPON Cromwell's death, his son Ri. Stuart, or any single person.' Notwithstandchard being declared Protector, a new Par- ing the House luad appointed Fleetwood, liament was called, wherein several of the Lambert, Delborough, and other Officers of Republican party being returned, to prevent the army, to be of the Council of State, the their doing any mischief an oath was requir- Wallingford huule party were far from beed froin every Member, that he would not ing fatisfied ; wherefore, to prevent any ill act or contrive any thing against the Protec. consequences, and hinder the livord as far as tor; which Ludlow fcrupling to take, refrain- they could from re-alluming the power, a ed for some time from going to the House, bill was brought in for constituting Fleet. till, Sir Walter St. John, one of those ap- wood, Sir Arthur Hallerig, Lambert, Delpointed to adminifter that oath, introducing borough, Berry, and Ludlow, Commilhim, he was admitted without taking it. He honers for naming and approving Officers : had fat but little above a weck, when he was And another, for making Fleetwood Comcomplained of, and a motion made and fe- mander in Chief during that feffion, or till ponded, that the oath might be peremptorily the House should make further order required ; on which a debate arose, which, therein. In which bill it was ordered, that, after lasting two or three hours, was put a for the future, the Speaker, and not the stop to by an accidental discovery of a per- Lintenant-general, should lign the Comfon's sitting there who was no Member, anul miffions of such Officers as ihould be apwho, upon examination, prove to be disor- pointed by Parliament, and deliver them dered in his fenfes ; this put an end to all with his own hands from the Chair ; and, further inquiry about the oath. And now at the fane time that these two bills were per those of the Republican interest exerted their fed, the House pasied a vote, that the Parliautmost endeavours to obstruct the measures ment thould be dissolved the May followof the Court, but without fiiccess, till they ing. But this vote was not sufficient to joined with the party of Wallingford-house, please the Officers, who were so highly difthat is, the army; by which means the Long gusted at the two hills, that our author Parliament, called the Rump Parliament, and others of his party were obliged to give was restored, and our author, who had been them a meeting at Col. Desborough's to lofvery active in obtaining this revolution, took, ten the affair , and though every thing was with the rest, poffeßtion of his seat again. urged, on behalf of the Parliament, that the The same day, they appointed him one of Lieutenant-general and his friend Sir Arthe Committee of safety, which consisted of thur could think of, yet the Officers would seven Members of Parliament, and one o not consent to receive new Commissions acther who was not so ; which Committe were cording as the bill directed, until Col. Hacimpowered to fit eight days, the Houfe in. ket and our author, by leading the way with tending in that time to constitute a Council their regiments, rendered the reft more tracof State. Soon after they offered our author table. The Wallingford-house party, finda regiment, which he accepted at the perfua- ing by this that Ludlow was an obitacle to fion of Sir Arthur Haherig; and, in a little their delign of governing arbitrarily by the time, they named him to be one of the Coun- sivonl, recommended him to the House for cil of Staic, every Member of which was to the post of Commander in Chief of the forces fwear he would be true and faithful to the in Liland; which with loine reluctance, an Commonwealth, in oppofition to Charles after obtaining an order, that, when he had



Settled affairs in that kingdom, he should be which assembly he managed matters so well, at liberty to return to England, he accepted. that he brought them unanimously to deSoon after which, Henry Cromwell,

pursuant clare their dillike of the petition, and to agree to an order of the House, returned from Ire- to have a declaration drawn up to that effect, land, and desired the Lieutenant-general to and to declare their resolution of adhering be at the Council of State when he attended closely to the Parliament, of which our author them; but our author could not, being em- gave immediate notice to Sir Arthur Hallerig. ployed in preventing the sale of Hampton- At the same time he began to think of recourt, for which he was much blamed by some turning home ; in order to which, having of his puty. The time for his departure for nominated Col. John Jones and Sir HarIreland drawing near, he received from the dress Waller to command during his ab. Speaker four Conmiisions; the itt, appoint- fence, as soon as he received Fleetwood's aping him Commander in Chief; the 2d, probation tbereof, he set out for England. Colonel of a regiment of horle ; the 3d On his arrival at Beaumaris he received an gave him the command of a regiment of account from the Goveror, that the army foot; and, by the 4th, he was ag in coniti had turned the Parliament out of the tuted Lieutenant-general of the horle : In House, and again ref med the power into which last a clause was inserted, not in any their own hands. This astoniibing news of the others, that he thould not only obey made him hesitate, whether he should return such orders as he migiat receive from the to Ireland, or pursue his journey to London ; Parliament and the Council of State, but but, after weighing circumstances carefully, also those of the Commissioners for Ireland. and confidering on one hand, that he had * This, says he, I was so far from dilliking, taken all the care he poflibly could to settle that I procured another order to be made, things on a good footing there; and that, on that the pay of the army should be issued out the other hand, he might perhaps contribute toby the Commission:rs, and that no inoney, wards a reconciliation between the Parliament except only for contingencies, should be issued and army, he deternined for the latter, and out by the Commander in Chief.' On the accordingly set forwards. At Conway he road to Chester, he received information of was inet by Col. Baitow, who had beeii difa Sir George Booth's insurrection, which he patched from the Council of Officers at Lonimmediately dispatched advice of to the don, to acquaint those in Ireland with the House ; and, embu king at Holy-head, ar alteration of affairs; and, having read the rived lafe in Dublin, August 1659. letters he brought, our author delivered those

Immediately on his arrival at Dublin, he for the Officers in Ireland to him again, and dispatched a hundred men to reinforce the continued his journey to Chester, where he garrisons about Chester, and soon after sent, halted a day. There he reccived another pursuant to an order from Fleetwood, one pacquet from London, wherein he found the thoufand foot, and five hundred horse, un army's scheme of government, pursuant to der the command of Col. Zanchey, to af what they had set forth in their petition, with lut in quelling Sir George Booth and his the addition, that all who had any military party. In September 1659, he receive a command were to receive new commissions petition from England drawn up and signed from Fleetwood ; and the Messenger furby the forces under Lambert at Derby, ther acquainted him, that there was a Comgreatly complaining of the conduct of the mittee of safety appointed, conlifting of 25 Parliament, requeiting the Government to Members, of which he was one ; and that he to be settled by a reprefentative and telect was also continued one of the Committee for Senate, demanding that Fleetwood's com- nomination of Officers. The day after he mission might be unlimited as to time, and received this advice, he set out for London, 1.feat Lambert might be appointed Major-ge- where he arrived on the 29th of O&tober, neral, Defoorough Lieutenant-general of the 1659, and immediately went to wait on horfe, and Monk Major-general of the foot, Fleetwood, but refused to go with him to inlitting that no Officer ihould be dilinilled the Council of Officers, then fitting at Walfrom his command but by a Court-partial; lingford-house ; on some letters from Monk, copies of which petition were sent to Ireland whom Fleetwood charged with insincerity, by Zanchey, who commanded the Irish bri- our author told him, that whatever Monk's gade, with letters to cominunicate them to deligns were, his public declarations had a the Officers there, and obtain their concur- better appearance than those of Wallingford. rence. This alarmed Lieutenant-general house, who were for governing by the sword. Ludlow greatly ; wherefore, to prevent the When this party prevailed both in the il effects it might produce, le fummoned Council of Officers and that of State, to all the Officers who lay new Dublin, at have a new Parliament called, our author op:



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