fidence in Parliament. If the public treafures had been exhaufted in magnificence and fplendor, this diftrefs would have been accounted for, and in fome measure juftified. But the generality of people, it must be confeffed, do feel a good deal mortified, when they compare the wants of the Court with its expences. Nothing expended, nothing faved. Their wonder is increased by their knowledge, that, befides the revenue fettled on his Majefty's Civil Lift to the amount of 800,000l. a year, he has a farther aid, from a large penfion lift, near 90,000l. a year, in Ireland; from the produce of the Duchy of Lancaster (which we are told has been greatly improved;) from the revenue of the Duchy of Cornwall; from the American quit-rents; from the four and a half per cent duty in the Leeward illands; this laft worth to be fure confiderably more than 40,000l. a year. The whole is certainly not much short of a million annually. . These are revenues withm the knowledge and cognifance of our national Councils. We have no direct right to examine into the receipts from his Majefty's German dominions and the bishopric of Cfnabrug. This produce the people do not believe to be hoarded, nor perceive to be spent. It is accounted for, in the only manner it can, by fuppofing that it is drawn away for the fupport of that Court faction, which, whilst it diftreffes the nation, impoverishes the Prince in every one of his refources. This fyftem of Favouritifm has therefore been fo little advantageous to the Monarch himself, that, without magnificence, it has funk him into a state of unnatural poverty, at the fame time that he possessed every means of affluence, from ample revenues, both in this country, and in other parts of his dominions. Now, if this fyftem has fo ill anfwered its own grand pretence of faving the King from the neceffity of employing perfons diligreeable to him, has it given more peace and tranquillity to his Majesty's private hours? No, moft certainly. The Father of his people cannot poffibly enjoy repofe, while his family is in fuch a state of diftraction. Then what has the Crown or the King profited by all this fine-wrought scheme? Is he more rich, or more fplendid, or more powerful, or more at his eafe, by fo many la bours and contrivances? Have they not beggared his Exchequer, tarnished the fplendor of his Court, funk his dignity, galled his feelings, and difcompofed the whole order and happiness of his private life? To complete the fcheme of bringing our Court to a resemblance to the neighbouring monarchies, it was necessary, in effect, to destroy thofe appropriations of revenue, which feem to limit the property, as the other laws had done the powers, of the Crown. An opportunity for this purpose was taken, upon an application to Parliament for payment of the debts of the Civil Lift; which, in 1769, had amounted to 513,000l. Such application had been made upon former occalions; but to do it in the former manner would by no means answer the prefent purpose. To have exceeded the fum given for the Civil Lift, and to have incurred a debt without fpecial authority of Parliament, was, prima facie, a criminal act: As Minifters. ought naturally rather to have withdrawn it. from the inspection, than to have expofed it to the fcrutiny, of Parliament. Certainly they ought, of themfelves, officiously to have come armed with every fort of argument, which, by explaining, could excufe a matter in itself of prefumprve guilt. But the terrors of the Houfe of Commons are no longer for Minifters. On the other hand, the peculiar character of the Houfe of Commons, as Trustee of the public purfe, would have led them to call with a punctilious follicitude for every public account, and to have examined into them with the moft rigorous accuracy. The capital ufe of an account is, that the reality of the charge, the reafon of incurring it, and the juftice and neceffity of discharging it, fhould all appear, antecedent to the payment. No man ever pays first, and calls for his account afterwards; because he would thereby let out of his hands the principal, and indeed only effectual, means of compelling a full and fair one. But, in national bufinefs, there is an additional reason for a previous production of every account. It is a check, perhaps the only one, upon a corrupt and prodigal ufe of public money. An account after payment is to no rational purpofe an account. However, the House of Commons thought all thefe to be antiquated principles; they were of opinion, that the moft Parliamentary way of proceeding was to pay firft what the Court thought proper to demand, and to take its chance for an examination into accounts at fome time of greater 'eifure. The nation had fettled 800,000l. a year on the Crown, as fufficient for the fupport of its dignity, upon the cftinate of its own Minifters. When Minifters came to Parliament, and faid that this allowance ha not been fufficient for the purpose, and that they had incurred a debt of 500,000l. would it not have been natural for Parliament first to 232 to have asked, How, and by what means, their appropriated allowance came to be infufficient? Would it not have favoured of fome attention to juftice to have feen in what periods of Administration this debt had been originally incurred? that they might difcover, and, if need were, animadvert on, the perfons who were found the most culpable ? To put their hands upon fush articles of expenditure as they thought improper or exceffive, and to fecure, in future, against fuch mifapplication or exceeding? Accounts for any other purposes are but a matter of curiofity, and no genuine Parliamentary object. All the accounts which could anfwer any of thefe purposes were refufed, or pottponed by previous questions. Every idea of prevention was rejected, as conveying an improper fufpicion of the Minifters of the Crown. When every leading account had been re- There was a circumftance in that debate Though, in truth, the payment, from the Our author concludes by obferving, that, tifm. THOUGHTS THOUGHTS on Several SUBJECTS. HE, fupreme fenfe and reely othe TH roic in affections and conduct, is not to be obtained by perufing dull, formal lectures on the feveral virtues and vices, and declaiming loosely on their effect; but by exhibiting to the moral eye living examples, or, what is nearest to thofe pictures, genuine copies of manners, that it may learn eafily to feparate between the fair and harmonious, and the deformed and diffonant. He, that allows himself to taste thofe pleafures which he denies his wife, acts like a man who would injoin his wife to oppofe thofe enemies to which he has already furrendered. As the vexations, which parents receive from their children, haften the approach of age, and double the force of years; fo the comforts, which they reap from them, are balm to all other forrows, and disappoint the injuries of time. Parents repeat their lives in their offsprings; and their concern for them is fo near, that they feel all fufferings, and tafte all enjoyments, as much as if they regarded their own proper persons. Defer not charities till death. He, that doth fo, is rather liberal of another man's fubftance, than of his own. The beft prefervative of female honour is female delicacy: Modefty is the handmaid of virtue, appointed to tend, to drefs, and ferve her: It is, as it were, a kind of armour, which the fex fhould always bear, both to adorn and defend them; and, when that is laid afide, they are neither beautiful nor fafe. The fevereft punishment of an injury is the confcience of having done it; and no man fuffers more, than he that is turned over to the pain of repentance. A man cannot answer for his courage who has never been in danger. Perfect courage confifts in doing, without witneffes, all we should be capable of doing before the whole world. If the firft fparks of vice were quenched, there would be no flame; for, How can he kill who dares not meditate revenge? Or he be an adulterer, in act, that does not tranfgrefs in defire? How can he be perjured, that fears an oath? Or he defraud, who dares not allow himself to covet ? There never was found any pretended confcientious zeal, but it was always moft certainly attended with a fierce spirit of implacable cruelty. Let no price or promises bribe thee to take part with the enemies of thy Prince; who ever wins, thou art loft. If thy Prince profper, thou art proclaimed a rebel, and muft expect the confequence; if the enemy prevail, thou art reckoned but a meritori ous traitor: Though he may like and love thy treafon, yet he will hate and despise thee. Nothing is a greater argument of a brave foul, and impregnable virtue, than for a man to be fo much mafter of himself, that he can either take or leave thofe convenien-` cies of life, with refpect to which most are either uneafy without them, or intemperate with them. The man, who praises drinking, stands a fot convicted on his own evidence. It is very common, that events arise from a debauch which are fatal, and always fuch as are difagreeable. With all a man's reason and good fenfe about him, his tongue is apt to utter things, out of mere gaiety of heart, which may displease his best friends: Who, then, would trust himself to the power of wine, if there was no other objection against it than this, that it raifes the imagination, and depreffes the judgment? An induftrious and virtuous education of children is a better inheritance for them than a great eftate. To what purpose is it, faid Crates, to heap up great riches, and to have no concern what manner of heirs you leave them to? E Equity is the band of human fociety, a kind of tacit agreement and impreffion of Nature, without which there is not any thing we do that can deferve commendation. quity judges with lenity, laws with extre mity. In all moral cafes, the reason of the law is the law. Every wife man, efpecially in authority and command, ought to regard juftice, probity, and the faith of engagements, as the moft precious treasure he can poffefs, and as an affured refource, and an infallible fupport, in all the events that can happen. Love is the life and foul of every relative duty; the powerful, inlivening principle, which alone can infpire us with vigour and activity in the execution of it. Without this, even diligence is ungrateful, and fubmiffion itself has the air of difobedience. The heart has no avenue so open as that of flattery, which, like fame inchantment, lays all its guards afleep. Good counfel is caft away upon the arrogant, the self-conceited, or the ftupid; who are either too proud to take it, or too heavy Gg to understand it. If you be confulted concerning a perfon either paffionate, inconftant, or vicious, give not your advice: It is in vain; for fuch will do only what shall please themselves. Thofe, in whole minds Sovereign Power has wrought infatuation, will teach pofterity, that, when once they abandon themfelves to the delufions of Fortune, fhe erafes from their minds all the feeds of goodness implanted in them by Nature. Without friendship life has no charm. The only things, which can render friend The LIFE of LUDLOW continued, from Page 197 of our last. UPON Cromwell's death, his fon Richard being declared Protector, a new Parliament was called, wherein feveral of the Republican party being returned, to prevent their doing any mischief an oath was required from every Member, that he would not act or contrive any thing against the Protec tor; which Ludlow fcrupling to take, refrained for fome time from going to the Houfe, till, Sir Walter St. John, one of thofe appointed to adminifter that oath, introducing him, he was admitted without taking it. He had fat but little above a week, when he was complained of, and a motion made and feconded, that the oath might be peremptorily required; on which a debate arofe, which, after lafting two or three hours, was put a ftop to by an accidental difcovery of a perfon's fitting there who was no Member, and who, upon examination, proved to be difordered in his fenfes; this put an end to all further inquiry about the oath. And now thofe of the Republican intereft exerted their utmoft endeavours to obftru&t the measures of the Court, but without fuccefs, till they joined with the party of Wallingford-houfe, that is, the army; by which means the Long Parliament, called the Rump Parliament, was reftored, and our author, who had been very active in obtaining this revolution, took, with the reft, poffeflion of his feat again. The fame day, they appointed him one of the Committee of fafety, which confifted of feven Members of Parliament, and one other who was not fo; which Committe were impowered to fit eight days, the Houfe intending in that time to conftitute a Council of State. Soon after they offered our author a regiment, which he accepted at the perfuafion of Sir Arthur Hafferig; and, in a little time, they named him to be one of the Council of State, every Member of which was to fwear he would be true and faithful to the Commonwealth, in oppofition to Charles Stuart, or any fingle perfon.' Notwithstanding the Houfe had appointed Fleetwood, Lambert, Defborough, and other Officers of the army, to be of the Council of State, the Wallingford houfe party were far from being fatisfied; wherefore, to prevent any ill confequences, and hinder the fword as far as they could from re-affuming the power, a bill was brought in for conftituting Fleet wood, Sir Arthur Haflerig, Lambert, Def borough, Berry, and Ludlow, Commiffioners for naming and approving Officers: And another, for making Fleetwood Commander in Chief during that feffion, or till the Houfe fhould make further order therein. In which bill it was ordered, that, for the future, the Speaker, and not the Lieutenant-general, fhould fign the Commiffions of fuch Officers as thould be appointed by Parliament, and deliver them with his own hands from the Chair; and, at the faune time that these two bills were paffed, the Houfe paffed a vote, that the Parlia ment fhould be diffolved. the May following. But this vote was not fufficient to please the Officers, who were fo highly dif gufted at the two bills, that our author and others of his party were obliged to give them a meeting at Col. Defborough's to loften the affair; and though every thing was urged, on behalf of the Parliament, that the Lieutenant-general and his friend Sir Arthur could think of, yet the Officers would not confent to receive new Commiffions according as the bill directed, until Col. Hacket and our author, by leading the way with their regiments, rendered the reft more tractable. The Wallingford-house party, finding by this that Ludlow was an obitacle to their delign of governing arbitrarily by the fword, recommended him to the Houlc for the poft of Commander in Chief of the forces in land; which with fome reluctance, aral after obtaining an order, that, when he had fettled fettled affairs in that kingdom, he should be at liberty to return to England, he accepted. Soon after which, Henry Cromwell, purfuant to an order of the Houfe, returned from Ireland, and defired the Lieutenant-general to be at the Council of State when he attended them; but our author could not, being employed in preventing the fale of Hamptoncourt, for which he was much blamed by fome of his party. The time for his departure for Ireland drawing near, he received from the Speaker four Commifions; the 1ft, appointing him Commander in Chief; the 2d, Colonel of a regiment of horle; the 3d gave him the command of a regiment of foot; and, by the 4th, he was again conftituted Lieutenant-general of the horfe: In which laft a claufe was inferted, not in any of the others, that he should not only obey fuch orders as he might receive from the Parliament and the Council of State, but alfo thofe of the Commiflioners for Ireland. This, fays he, I was fo far from difliking, that I procured another order to be made, that the pay of the army fhould be iffued out by the Commiffioners, and that no money, except only for contingencies, fhould be iffued out by the Commander in Chief.' On the road to Chefter, he received information of Sir George Booth's infurrection, which he immediately dispatched advice of to the Houfe; and, embarking at Holy-head, arrived fafe in Dublin, August 1659. Immediately on his arrival at Dublin, he dispatched a hundred men to reinforce the garrifons about Chester, and foon after fent, purfuant to an order from Fleetwood, one thoufand foot, and five hundred horse, under the command of Col. Zanchey, to af fit in quelling Sir George Booth and his party. In September 1859, he received a petition from England drawn up and figned by the forces under Lambert at Derby, greatly complaining of the conduct of the Parliament, requetting the Government to to he fettled by a reprefentative and felect Senate, demanding that Fleetwood's commiffion might be unlimited as to time, and that Lambert might be appointed Major-general, Defoorough Lieutenant-general of the horfe, and Monk Major-general of the foot, infifting that no Officer fhould be difiniffed from his command but by a Court-martial; copies of which petition were fent to Ireland by Zanchey, who commanded the Irish brigade, with letters to communicate them to the Officers there, and obtain their concurrence. This alarmed Lieutenant-general Ludlow greatly; wherefore, to prevent the ill effects it might produce, he fummoned all the Officers who lay near Dublin, at which affembly he managed matters fo well, that he brought them unanimously to declare their diflike of the petition, and to agree to have a declaration drawn up to that effect, and to declare their refolution of adhering closely to the Parliament, of which our author gave immediate notice to Sir Arthur Haflerig. At the fame time he began to think of returning home; in order to which, having nominated Col. John Jones and Sir Hardrefs Waller to command during his abfence, as foon as he received Fleetwood's approbation thereof, he fet out for England. On his arrival at Beaumaris he received an account from the Governor, that the army had turned the Parliament out of the Houfe, and again ref med the power into their own hands. This aftonishing news made him hesitate, whether he should return to Ireland, or purdue his journey to London; but, after weighing circumftances carefully, and confidering on one hand, that he had taken all the care he poffibly could to fettle things on a good footing there; and that, on the other hand, he might perhaps contribute towards a reconciliation between the Parliament and army, he determined for the latter, and accordingly fet forwards. At Conway he was met by Col. Barrow, who had been difpatched from the Council of Officers at London, to acquaint thofe in Ireland with the alteration of affairs; and, having read the letters he brought, our author delivered thofe for the Officers in Ireland to him again, and continued his journey to Chefter, where he halted a day. There he received another pacquet from London, wherein he found the army's fcheme of government, pursuant to what they had fet forth in their petition, with the addition, that all who had any military command were to receive new commiffions from Fleetwood; and the Messenger further acquainted him, that there was a Committee of fafety appointed, confifting of 21 Members, of which he was one; and that he was alfo continued one of the Committee for nomination of Officers. The day after he received this advice, he fet out for London where he arrived on the 29th of October 1659, and immediately went to wait on Fleetwood, but refufed to go with him to the Council of Officers, then fitting at Wallingford-houfe; on fome letters from Monk, whom Fleetwood charged with infincerity, our author told him, that whatever Monk's designs were, his public declarations had a better appearance than those of Wallingfordhoufe, who were for governing by the fword. When this party prevailed both in the Council of Officers and that of State, to have a new Parliament called, our author op Gg 2 poled |