upon him. As foon as the enemy got out of the reach of our guns, and the battle continuing pretty hot a-ltern, and fome of our fhips in the Admiral's fquadron towing out of the line (which I understood afterwards was for want of fhot) I ordered all the thips of my divifion to flack all their fails, to clofe the line in the center; this working had that good effect, that feveral of the enemies fhips a-ftern, which had kept their line, having their top-fails and fore-fails fet, thot up abreaft of us, as the Rear-admiral of the White and Blue, and foine of his divifion; and the Vice-admiral of the White and fome of his divifion; but they were fo warmly received, before they got a broad-fide, that, with their boats a-head and their fprit-fails fet, they towed from us, without giving us the opportunity of firing at them.

The fhips that fuffered moft, in my divifion, were the Lenox, Warfpight, Tilbury, and Swift-fure; the reft efcaped pretty well, and I the best of all; though I never took greater pains in all my life to be foundly beaten; for I fet all my fails, and rowed with three boats a-head, to get along fide with the Admiral of the White and Blue; but he, outfailing me, fhunned fighting, and lay along-fide of the little hips: Notwithstanding, the engagement was very sharp, and, I think, the like between two fleets never has been in any time. There is hardly a fhip, that must not shift one maft, and fome must fhift all: A great many have fuffered much, but none more Than Sir George Rooke and Capt. Jennings in the St. George. God fend us well home: I believe we have not three fpare top-mafts, nor three fishes in the fleet; and I judge there are ten jury-mafts now up. After the fight, we lay two days in the fight of the enemy, preparing for a fecond engagement; but the enemy declined and stood from us in the night.'

Another writer expreffes himself thus: The fea-fight, though very bloody, was far from being decifive, not a fhip being loft on either fide. 'Tis certain the enemy were fuperior to us, both in weight and number; and, however many among us blamed the conduct of the Admiral, he came off, when all things are impartially confidered, much better than could have been expected. Both fides claimed a victory, which in truth neither of them had; both pretending to feek out the other, and to come to a fecond engagement, for which neither of them cared; and the want of fufficient ammunition, on our fide, argued a weakness, to fay no worfe, and ought not eafily to be pardoned.'

In a letter from an Officer on board the fleet in this engagement, are these words: All the while we were daring the enemy, we went on the careen by turns, to ftop our fhot-holes; fo that, had they engaged a second time, we must have engaged them board and board, and either have carried them, or funk by their fides. In a word, we were obliged to leave them, left they fhould fufpect our weakness, and force us to be defperate.'

During the action, were killed and wound-, ed, of the English, two thousand three hun, dred and fifty-eight; of the Dutch, four hundred; Sir Andrew Leake, Captain of the Grafton; Capt. Cow of the Kanelagh, Lieut Jennings of the St. George, the third Lieutenant of the Shrewsbury, and the firft Lieutenant of the Lenox, were all the Officers of their rank that were killed; Capt. Myngs, Capt. Baker, Capt. Kirton, Capt. Jumper, Capt. Myghels, Lieut. Edifbury, and Lieut. Leftock, were wounded; as were two Lieutenants of the Barfleur, and the Chaplain; feven or eight Lieutenants more, three Mafters, and about as many boatfwains and carpenters.

On the French fide, were killed the Baily of Lorrain, Commodore of a squadron, and the Count de Thoulouse's fecond; five Captains, of which three were Knights; a Commillary of marines, fix Lieutenants, and five fea Enfigns. Among the latter, the Maribal de Chateauregnault's fon, and the Sieur de Bollem Villers, the Count de Thouloute's Gentleman: The Count himfeif was wounded in the forehead, shoulder, and thigh; the Count de Relingnes had his leg fhot off; the Marquis de Herhault, Intendant of the fleet; Monfieur du Caffe, Comme.'ore of a fquadron; Monfieur de Chateauregnault, the Count de Philepaux, the Count de Cominges, Monfieur de Valincourt, the Count de Thoulouse's Secretary; fven Captains, eight Lieutenants, and about one hundred and fifty other Officers; were wounded.

.C

Sir George Rooke, after the engagement, failed to Gibraltar, where he ftaid eight days to refit; and, having fupplied that place with men and provifions, failed from thence, and returned home with the great fhips, leaving behind him eighteen men of war, under the command of Sir John Leake, both for the defence of the coaft of Portugal, and to be in readinefs to fuccour Gibraltar, if there fhould be occafion.

The fuccefs of affairs in Portugal, this year, was by no means anfwerable to the expectation of the Allies. After

After feveral Councils of war, held in the prefence of their Catholic and Portuguese Majetties, which paffed not without fome difputes between Duke Schomberg and the Portuguese Generals and Minifters, the auxiliary forces of England and Holland begin to land, the 16th of March, N. S. Duke Schomberg had warmly infifted, that thefe auxiliaries might keep in a body; urging the inconveniencies that might attend their feparation. But, the King of Portugal being unwilling to truft the defence of the frontier towns to his raw and undisciplined troops, and there happening fome coldness between the English General and Monf. Fagel, who commanded the Dutch forces, at their very first interview, the English infantry had their quarters affigned in Olivenza, Elvas, Portalegre, and other places in the province of Altejo; and the Dutch were fent up the Tagus towards Abrantes. The King of Portugal, by his treaties with England and Holland, had engaged to furnifh horfes to mount the cavalry and dragoons of these two nations; but, whilft the King of Spain, Charles, was detained in Holland and England by contrary winds, the French Ambaffador in Portugal, with great induftry, had bought up the beft horfes of that kingdom; fo that, most of the horfes, which his Portuguese Majefty's Officers afterwards provided for the English and Dutch auxiliaries, being neither of a fize nor ftrength fit for service, fcarce one thirdpart of the troopers and dragoons were mounted this campaign. Neither was there better provifion made for fick foldiers, who, after fo tedious a paffage, could not but be very numerous, and of whom many died for want of attendance and neceffaries. Another cause of the ill fuccefs of the campaign was, that, though the King of Portugal himself expreffed the best intentions poffible, he was much governed by his Minifters, who were all in the French interests. They had an army, but they had made no preparations for taking the field; nor could they bring their troops together, for want of provifions and carriages. The forms of their government made them very flow, and not eatly acceffible. They were too proud to confefs that they wanted any thing, when they had nothing; and too indolent to exert themselves, in order to execute what was in their power to do; and the King's ill health furnished them with an excufe for every thing that was defective and out of order. The priefts, both in Spain and Portugal, were fo univerfally in the French intereft, that even the House of Auftria, which had been formerly fo much in their favour, was now

in difgrace with them. Their alliance with heretics, and bringing over an army of them to maintain their preten.ións, had made all their former fervices be forgotten. The governing body at Rome did certainly engage all their zealots every-where to fupport that intereft, which was to determined on the deftruction of herefy. The English and Dutch Generals were likewife upon ill terms with the Portugucie. Duke Schomberg, by his title of Captain-general of the Queen of Great Britain's forces in Portugal, ought certainly to have commanded, at leaft, all the English and Dutch auxiliaries: And it had been no bad policy, in the King of Portugal, to have made him, likewife, Commander in chief of all his forces; a poft which the Duke's father had formerly executed in that kingdom with fuch fuccefs, that he refcued the crown of Portugal from the Spaniards, and fixed it in the family that wear it at prefent. But, though few, if any, of the Portuguese Officers had the ne cellary qualifications to be made Generals, yet the King of Portugal would not break the established rule of that kingdom, whereby the Governors of provinces command in chief all the troops within their diftricts. He had, indeed, made Duke Schomberg Veltmarshal-general of the Portuguese forces; but then his conferring the fame dignity upon Monfieur Fagel, General of the Dutch forces, rather leffened than honoured the Duke, and made Fagel unwilling to obey one, to whofe level the King of Portugal had raised him; fo that there was little concurrence of Councils and defigns between these two Generals. To all this may be added, that a French Lady, married to the Duke of Cadaval, the principal perfon in the Court of Portugal, was not a little inftrumental in retarding the preparations for the campaign.

Upon information that the auxiliaries, which the King of France had fent to his grandson, Philip V, consisted, for the most part, of Irish foldiers, Duke Schomberg, pursuant to the Queen's warrant, April 25, N. S. published a proclamation, promifing

her gracious pardon to all fuch of her fubjects, who, being now in the fervice of her enemies, would quit the fame, to come over to Charles III, King of Spain, or any other of her Majefty's Allies; and that fuch of them, as were qualified to ferve in her Majefty's forces, fhould be received and entertained in the fame quality as they enjoyed in the fervice they left; and that fuch as, by reafon of their religion, could not ferve in her Majefty's forces, fhould be employed in the fervice of the King of Spain, or of fuch

other

other of her Majefty's Allies, where they fhould beft like. Charles III. and the King of Portugal published likewife their refpective manifeftoes, April 30, N. S. the first fetting forth his title to the crown of Spain, and promifing his pardon to all fuch of his fubjects as fhould declare for him within three months time. The other juftifying his Portuguese Majefty's taking up arms to restore the liberty of the Spanish nation oppreffed by the power of France, and to affert the right of his Catholic Majefty, Charles III, to that monarchy.' Their Majesties had intended to be in a readiness to enter Spain by the middle of May; but it was the beginning of June before they reached Santarem, where they continued the reft of the fpring campaign.

The poffeffor of the crown of Spain, ftyled by the Allies Duke of Anjou, though the laft in proclaiming war, was yet the first in maintaining his title by the fword; and, having invaded Portugal, before his enemies were in a condition to oppofe him, the Duke of Berwick, his General, (who began to fhine there, though he had paffed elsewhere for a man of no very great character) took the town of Sogura by a ftratagem, and fo intimidated the Governor of Salva-terra, that he delivered up the place, May 8, without making any defence, and confented, that himfelf and his garrifon fhould remain prifoners of war. From Salva-terra the Spaniards advanced farther into the country, and, without any refiftance, made themselves Masters of Cebreros. Pera-garcia ftood fome difcharges of cannon, and then furrendered to Count d'Aguilar. The inhabitants of Zebredo abandoned the place at the approach of the Spanish troops; and the town of Ihana la Viella, rejecting the fummons of Don Jofeph Salazar and the Marquis de Puyfegur, was ftormed and carried fword in hand About the fame time, the Marquis de Jeoffreville, having entered Portugal on the fide of Almeida, put feveral villages under military execution; and Prince Tiercloes de Tilly, having advanced to Aonches, raifed great contributions round about, whilft the Marquis de Villadarias penetrated into Portugal another way. Thefe uninterrupted fucceffes of the Spaniards caft the Portuguese into great consternation; and General Fagel, who was posted at Caftelbranco with four Dutch battalions, not thinking himself fafe in that place, retired towards Abrantes with two battalions. The other two he pofted at Sovreira Formofa, where they were foon after attacked by the

Duke of Berwick, and, after a brave d-fence, moft of them taken prifoners, with Major-general Welderen. After this fuccefs, the Duke of Berwick paffed the Tagus, joined another hody of Spaniards commanded by Prince Tfercloes de Tilly, and King Philip, being arrived in the army, invested Portalegre, the inhabitants of which forced the garrifon to furrender at difcretion; and, among them, an English regi ment of foot, commanded by Col. Stanhope. From thence King Philip brought his victorious army before Caftel-davide, which, though almost an open town, yet refused to open her gates, the garrifon being encouraged to defend themselves by the refolution of the English regiment of Lieutenant-general Stuart, commanded by Lieutenant-colo nel Huffey. By this time, King Charles and the King of Portugal being come to Santerem, it was refolved, that the Marquis das Minas, Governor and General of the arms of the province of Beira, fhould make an irruption into Spain, and, by that diverfion, endeavour to draw King Philip's forces from before Caftel-davide. The Marquis, having gathered a body of about fifteen thousand men, marched accordingly towards the Tagus; took by storm a Spanish place in Caftile, called Fuente Grimaldo; defeated body of French and Spaniards, commanded by Don Ronquillo; and made himfelf Mafter of Manfeinto. But, though King Philip fent the Duke of Berwick, with a strong detachment, to obferve the Portuguese, and it was from thence conjectured, that he would give over the attack of Caftel-davide, yet the Duke of Berwick, finding that the Marquis das Minas did not move forwards, returned foon after before Caftel-davide. Hereupon Colonel Huffey propofed to the Portuguese to retire into the caftle, and defend it to the last extremity; but the militia opened the gates to the Spaniards, and fo the whole garrifon were made prifoners of war. The weather being, by this time, exceedingly hot, King Philip fent his wearied troops into quarters of refreshment; and, not thinking it poffible to preferve all his conquefts, ordered his men to abandon them, except Maroan and Salvaterra, and to raze the walls of Portalegre, Caftel-davide, and some other towns. About the fame time, the remainder of the English forces marched from Alantejo into the province of Beira, and the Portuguefe and Dutch into quarters of refreshment about Pena Major.

[To be continued.}

Objerga

rious.

TH

HOMAS Bartholine, Cent. III, Hift. Anat. has obferved that fear had fometimes cured epileptics: There are proofs that it has likewife helped the gouty, and the examples I am going to relate are a demonftration, that it has often banished the aguefever.

A woman of condition, who was afflicted with the tertian ague, was fo terrified by the explosion of a bomb, which was fired off during her fit, that the fainted away and was thought to be dead. Having been fent for to fee her, finding her pulfe ftill pretty strong, I prefcribed fome flight cordials for her, and the foon recovered from her state of weaknefs, without any appearance of a fever, which had afterwards no return.

A young Lady, who had a quartan ague for feveral months fucceffively, was invited by fome of her acquaintance to take a pleafuring on the water, in the view of diffipating the melancholy ideas occafioned by her illnefs; but they scarce had got into the boat, when it began to fink, and all were terribly fhocked with the dread of perifhing. After escaping this danger, the patient found herfelf cured, and the had no return of her ague.

A man, aged 42 years, of a hot and moift conftitution, fubject to a colic, but the fits not violent, was seized about fun-set with an internal cold, though it was very warm that day. Different remedies, but all unfuccefffully, were adminiftered to him. He died within eighteen or nineteen hours, without the leaft agitation, or any of the convulfions that accompany the agony of death, fo that it feemed to be as a placid fleep. His friends, furprised at fo fudden and fatal an accident, engaged me [Grefelius] to open his body, and I found that he died of a mortification of the pancreas. He was an extra

ordinary fat subject, and, what was more furprifing in fo corpulent and large a body, his bones were as fmail as thofe of a young girl, and his muscles extremely weak, thin, and rather membranous than fleshy. As I made thefe obfervations on the diffected body, a brother of the deceased, who had been abfent for fixteen years paft, was of the fame fize, the fame conftitution, and a like habit of body, entered of a fudden. Having feen the body of his brother in that condition, and heard a detail of the circumstances of his death, of which he faw with his eyes the caufe, in fo extraordinary a conformation, after having reasoned for fome time in a fenfible manner, on the mournful event, he ap peared all of a fudden as quite aftonished, became fpeechless, and fell into a fainting fit, from which neither balfams nor fpirituous liquors, nor any of the means ufually employed in fuch cafes, could recover him. I counfelled the opening of a vein, but that advice was not followed, and confternation had occafioned the greatest confulion among the affiftants. The fick perfon feemed to have neither pulfe nor refpiration; his body felt all over in a cold (weat, his limbs began to grow stiff, and, in short, we judged he was going to expire; but of what is not an imagination, forcibly ftruck, capable of? I do not know why I took it in my head to fay aloud, Let us replace the parts of the dead body and few it up; in the mean time, the other will be quite dead, and I will alfo diffect him.' I fcarce had faid these words, when the Gentleman in the fainting fit rote brifkly off of the bed, roaring out prodigiously loud, and, whipping up his cloke, took to his heels with all poffible speed, as if nothing had happened to him; and fince that time he has enjoyed a good ftate of health.

I was the firft-fruit of their union. Never, fure, were two people of more different characters. He was, in theory, a philofopher, loved reading, had a liberal education,

was

was born with ftrong natural sense, some wit, and violent paffions. He read mankind with too critical an eye, which naturally led him to dislike them, the confequence of which was, that he was fatyrical and morofe. My mother was, in every refpect, the leaft calculated of any woman living to make him happy. She was gay, giddy, illiterate, good-natured, and vain to an excefs; the had just that fhare of understanding, whichnature feems to have difpofed of, in equal, but finall parcels, amongst my fex. She could keep up a converfation, for a day together, with life and fpirit, without faying any thing; and was, what the world calls, a very agreeable woman; but what my father thought a very trifling one. She was, however, a good breeder, for in the courfe of feven years he had brought my father as many children. The education of the boys was eafily decided, as it was left intirely to my father's direction; but that of the girls (of which we are two) occafioned violent debates between our parents. My father afferted, that won en were rendered foolith and ridiculous by their education, and that, if their minds were properly cultivated, they might be made rational beings as well as the men. My mother, on the contrary, infifted, that they were, without education, more rational than their mafters; and that learning (as the termed it) only ferved to render a girl ridiculous in the eyes of her own fex, and contemptible in thofe of the men. How ever, as I was now near feven years old, it was neceflary to decide the affair; fo they compounded matters, and it was agreed be tween them, that my father should bring me up according to his own plan; and that the fhould have the intire direction and difpoful of my fifter Sophia, who was one year younger than myfelf. From this moment I became the favourite of my father, and the averfion of my mother. I had already fhewed a tafte for reading. He taught me the elements of geography, and made me read hiftory, with the globes before ine; always making me point out upon them the part of the world I was then reading about: In fhort, I took as much pleasure in learning, as he did in teaching me. I had alfo mafters to teach me French, writing, arithmetic, drawing, and dancing; mufic, he faid, was fuch an inchantress, that if I had a taste for it, I fhould dedicate too much of my time to it; and, if I had none, I should never make any proficiency in the art; and that it would always be in my power, in a fhort time, to learn to ting a ballad, and thrum the guitarre, after I had learned what he thought much more effential, and which he called the

science of thinking and acting with judgment and propriety. Young as I was, I foon found the utility of his leffons on these two important fubjects. I faw, however, with infinite concern, that I was a theme of perpetual contention between my parents; and one day, being alone with my father, I intreated him, with the utmost energy, to cease fhewing any partiality to me. He answered me, with fome warmth, That he was mafter of his own time, and should difpofe of it as he pleafed; and that he fhould not alter, nor fuffer me to change, either the manner or nature of my ftudies, on any confideration whatfoever. Thus I was condemned to fuffer what I could not avoid; however, the affliction I felt on being the caufe (though an innocent one) of the daily diffenfions, and increase of coolness between my parents, wrought at last upon my constitution, and I became thin, pale, and languid; and, instead of that flow of fpirits which was natural to me, I grew penfive, inactive, and melancholy. My father was the first who perceived the declining ftate of my health, and asked me, one day, with great tenderness, what was my complaint? And whether I was really ill or no? I answered him, that I was certainly far from being well, but that I did not know what was the matter with me. He replied, with vivacity, But I do! it is your mother's ill-treatment of you that breaks your heart; fhe would be glad of it, but I fhall take care to prevent her having that fatisfaction, by removing you out of the reach of her malice.' So faying, he left me. I judged, from his words, that I was deftined to leave home foon, for fome time; and I was not forry for it. That day, at dinner, my father, looking at me with an air of more familiar good humour than wfual, faid, Charlotte, my dear, fhould you like to fee London ?' I answered, Yes, Sir; there are many things in it which I often wifhed to fee, and if you was to go with m, I think I fhould be delighted with fuch a journey. I don't anfwer for that, replied he, but I promise you that you shall go there, if it is agreeable to you. I will write to morrow to my fifler, to inform her of my intention of letting you país the winter with her: She has often afked you of me, but, till now, I thought you too young. I faw in my mother's countenance, that he was not pleafed with my father's intention of fending me to my aunt's. She was jealous of the improvements I might make in London, by having better masters than could be procured in the country, as well as from being introduced into a larger circle of gented company than I had hitherto been: Thefe