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Settle He continued, however, to be the city laureate ; § "Remarks on the Empress of Morocco." had now found his level, and Dryden no longer re- but, in despite of that provision, was reduced by garded him with a mixture of rage and apprehen- want to write plays, like Ben Johnson's Littlesion, but with more appropriate feelings of utter wit, for the profane motions, or puppet-shows, of contempt. This poor wight had acquired by prac- Smithfield and Bartholomew fairs. Nay, having tice, and perhaps from nature, more of a poetical proceeded thus far in exhibiting the truth of Drycar than most of his contemporaries were gifted den's prediction, he actually mounted the stage in with. "His blundering melody," as Dryden terms person, among these wooden performers, and comit, is far sweeter to the ear than the flat and ineffec-bated St. George for England in a green dragon of tual couplets of Tate; nor are his verses always his own proper device. Settle was admitted into destitute of something approaching to poetic fancy the Charter-House in his old age, and died there in and spirit. He certainly, in his transposition of 1723. The lines of Pope on poor Elkanah's fate are Absalom and Achitophel," mimicked the harmony familiar to every poetical reader: of his original with more success than was attained by Shadwell, Buckingham, or Pordage. this facility of versification all his merit began and ended: in our author's phrase,

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"Doeg, though without knowing how or why,
Made still a blundering kind of melody;

Spurr'd boldly on, and dash'd through thick and thin,
Through sense and nonsense, never out nor in;

Free from all meaning, whether good or bad,

And, in one word, heroically mad.

He was too warm on picking work to dwell,
But faggoted his notions as they fell,

And, if they rhymed and rattled, all was well."

but in

Ere we take leave of Settle, it is impossible to omit mentioning his lamentable conclusion: a tale often told and moralized upon, and in truth a piece of very tragical mirth. Elkanah, we have seen, was at this period a zealous Whig; nay, he was so far in the confidence of Shaftesbury, that, under his direction, and with his materials, he had been intrusted to compose a noted libel against the Duke of York, entitled "The Character of a Popish Successor." Having a genius for mechanics, he was also exalted to the manager of a procession for burning the Pope; which the Whigs celebrated with great pomp, as one of many artifices to inflame the minds of the people.† To this and to the fire-works which attended its solemnization, Dryden alludes in the lines to which Elkanah's subsequent disasters gave an air of prophecy :

"In fire-works give him leave to vent his spite, Those are the only serpents he can write; The height of his ambition is, we know, But to be master of a puppet-show; On that one stage his works may yet appear, And a month's harvest keeps him all the year." Notwithstanding the rank he held among the Whig authors, Settle perceiving the cause of his patron Shaftesbury was gradually becoming weaker, fairly abandoned him to his fate, and read a solemn recantation of his political errors in a narrative published in 1683. The truth seems to be, that honest Doeg was poet laureate to the city, and earned some emolument by composing verses for pageants and other occasions of civic festivity: so that when the Tory interest resumed its ascendency among the magistrates, he had probably no alternative but to relinquish his principles or his post, and Elkanah, like many greater men, held the former the easier sacrifice. Like all converts, he became outrageous in his new faith, wrote a libel on Lord Russell a few days after his execution: indited a panegyric on Judge Jefferies; and, being tam Marte quam Mercurio, actually joined as a trooper the army which King James encamped upon Hounslow Heath. After the Revolution, he is enumerated, with our author and Tate, among those poets whose strains had been stifled by that great event.

* See some specimens of these poems, vol. IX. p. 576. + Vol. VI. p. 222. Vol. X. p. 370.

In a satire against Settle, dated April, 1682, entitled, "A Character of the True Blue Protestant Poet," the author exclaims, "One would believe it almost incredible, that any out of Bedlam should think it possible, a yesterday's fool, an errant knave, a despicable coward, and a profane atheist, should be termed today by the same persons, a Cowley, a man of honour, a hero, and a zealous upholder of the Protestant cause and interest."

In the Deliverance," an address to the Prince of Orange, published about 9th February, 1689:

"Alas! the famous Settle, Durfey, Tate,
That early propp'd the deep intrigues of state,
Dull Whiggish lines the world could ne'er applaud,
While your swift genius did appear abroad:"

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"In Lud's old walls though long I ruled, renown'd
Far as loud Bow's stupendous bells resound;
Though my own aldermen conferr'd the bays,
To me committing their eternal praise,
Their full-fed heroes, their pacific mayors,
Their annual trophies, and their monthly wars;
Though long my party built on me their hopes,
For writing pamphlets, and for roasting popes;
Yet lo! in me what authors have to brag on!
Reduced at last to hiss in my own dragon.
Avert it, heaven! that thou, or Cibber, e'er
Should wag a serpent-tail in Smithfield fair!
Like the vile straw that 's blown about the streets,
The needy poet sticks to all he meets;

Coach'd, carted, trod upon, now loose, now fast,
And carried off in some dog's tail at last."

As Dryden was probably more apprehensive of
Shadwell, who, though a worse poet than Settle, has
excelled even Dryden in the lower walks of comedy,
he has treated him with sterner severity. His per-
son, his morals, his manners, and his politics, all
that had escaped or been but slightly touched upon
Mac-Flecknoe," are bitterly reviewed in the
in
character of Og; and there probably never existed
another poet, who, at the distance of a month,
which intervened between the publication of the
two poems, could resume an exhausted theme with
an energy which gave it all the charms of novelty.
Shadwell did not remain silent beneath the lash;
but his clamorous exclamations only tended to
make his castigation more ludicrous.

The second part of "Absalom and Achitophel" was followed by the "Religio Laici," a poem which Dryden published in the same month of November 1682. Its tendency, although of a political nature, is so different from that of the satires, that it will be most properly considered when we can place it in It was adcontrast to the "Hind and Panther." dressed to Henry Dickenson, a young gentleman, who had just published a translation of Simon's Critical History of the New Testament." As the publication of the two parts of "Absalom "The Medal, and "Mac-Fleckand Achitophel," "all of a similar tone, and rapidly succeeding noe, each other, gave to Dryden, hitherto chiefly known as a dramatist, the formidable character of an inimitable satirist, we may here pause to consider their effect upon English poetry. The witty Bishop Hall had first introduced into our literature that species of poetry; which, though its legitimate use be to check vice and expose folly, is so often applied by spleen or by faction to destroy domestic happiness, by assailing private character. Hall possessed a good ear for harmony; and, living in the reign of Elizabeth, might have studied it in Spenser, Fairfax, and other models. But from system, rather than ignorance or inability, he chose to be "hard of conceit, and harsh of style," in order that his poetry might correspond with the sharp, sour, and crabbed nature of his theme.** Donne, his successor, And thou, great Bayes, whose yet unconquer'd pen, Wrote with strange force as well of beasts as men, Whose noble genius grieved from afar. Because new worlds for Bayes did not appear, Now to contend with the ambitious elf, Begins a civil war against himself," &c.

In 1702, probably in the capacity of civic laureate, he wrote "Carmen" Irenicum," upon the union of the two East India companies; and long afterward, in 1717, he is mentioned by Dennis as still the city poet. See p. 32.

THe published a translation of the tenth satire of Juvenal, in the preface to which he rails plentifully against Dryden.

**I infer, that the want of harmony was intentional, from these expressions: "It is not for every one to relish a true and natural satire; being of itself, besides the nature and inbred bitterness and tartness of particulars, both hard of conceit and harsh of

was still more rugged in his versification, as well as more obscure in his conceptions and allusions. The satires of Cleveland, (as we have indeed formerly noticed,) are if possible, still harsher and more strained in expression than those of Donne. Butler can hardly be quoted as an example of the sort of satire we are treating of. "Hudibras" is a burlesque tale, in which the measure is intentionally and studiously rendered as ludicrous as the characters and incidents. Oldham, who flourished in Dryden's time, and enjoyed his friendship, wrote his satires in the crabbed tone of Cleveland and Donne. Dryden, in the copy of verses dedicated to his memory, alludes to his deficiency, and seems to admit the subject as an apology:

"O early ripe! to thy abundant store

What could advancing age have added more! It might (what nature never gives the young,) Have taught the numbers of thy native tongue. But satire needs not those, and wit will shine Through the harsh cadence of a rugged line." Yet the apology which he admitted for Oldham, Dryden disdained to make use of himself, He did not, as has been said of Horace, wilfully untune his harp when he commenced satirist. Aware that a wound may be given more deeply with a burnished than with a rusty blade, he bestowed upon the versification of his satires the same pains which he had given to his rhyming plays and serious poems. He did not, indeed, for that would have been pains misapplied, attempt to smooth his verses into the harmony of those in which he occasionally celebrates female beauty; but he gave them varied tone, correct rhyme, and masculine energy, all which had hitherto been strangers to the English satire. Thus, while Dryden's style resembled that of Juvenal rather than Horace, he may claim a superiority, for uniform and undeviating dignity, over the Roman satirist. The age, whose appetite for scandal had been profusely fed by lampoon and libels, now learned, that there was a more elevated kind of satire, in which poignancy might be united with elegance, and energy of thought with harmony of versification. The example seems to have produced a strong effect. No poet, not even Settle, (for even the worst artist will improve from beholding a master-piece,) afterwards conceived he had sufficiently accomplished his task by presenting to the public thoughts, however witty or caustic he might deem them, clothed in the hobbling measures of Donne or Cleveland; and expression and harmony began to be consulted in satire, as well as sarcastic humour or powerful illustration.

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"Mac-Flecknoe," in some degree, differs from the other satires which Dryden published at this time. It is not confined to the description of character, but exhibits an imaginary course of incidents, in which the principal personage takes a ludicrous share. In this it resembles "Hudibras ;" and both are quoted by Dryden himself as examples of the Varronian satire. But there was this pointed difference, that Butler's poem is burlesque, and Dryden's mock-heroic. 'Mac-Flecknoe" is, I rather believe, the first poem in the English language, in which the dignity of a harmonized and lofty style is employed, not only to excite pleasure in itself, but to increase, by contrast, the comic effect of the scenes which it narrates; the subject being ludicrous, while the verse is noble. The models of satire afforded by Dryden, as they have never been equalled by any succeeding poet, were in a tone of excellence, superior far to all that had preceded them.

These reflections on the nature of Dryden's satires, have, in some degree, interrupted our account of his poetical controversies. Not only did he pour forth these works, one after another, with a fertility which seemed to imply delight in his new labour; but, as if the spirit of the time had taught him speed, he found leisure to oppose the Whigs in the theatre, where the audience was now nearly as much divi

In the

ded as the kingdom by the contending factions. Settle had produced the tragedy of "Pope Joan," Shadwell the comedy of the "Lancashire Witches," to expose to hatred and ridicule the religion of the successor to the crown. Otway and D'Urfey, Crowne and Southerne, names unequal in fame, vied in producing plays against the Whigs, which might counterbalance the effect of these popular dramas. A license similar to that of Aristophanes was introduced on the English stage; and living personages were exhibited under very slight disguises.* prologues and epilogues, which then served as a sort of moral to the plays, the veil, thin as it was, was completely raised, and the political analogies pointed out to such of the audience as might otherwise have been too dull to apprehend them. In this sharp though petty war, Dryden bore a considerable share. His necessities obliged him, among other modes of increasing his income, to accept of a small pecuniary tribute for furnishing prologues on remarkable occasions, or for new plays; and his principles determined their tendency. But this was not all the support which his party expected, and which he afforded them on the theatre, even while labouring in their service in a different department.

When Dryden had but just finished his "Religio Laici," Lee, who had assisted in the play of "Edipus," claimed Dryden's promise to requite the obligation. It has been already noticed, that Dryden had, in the year succeeding the Restoration, designed a play on the subject of the Duke of Guise; and he has informed us he had preserved one or two of the scenes. These, therefore, were revised, and inserted in the new play, of which Dryden wrote the first scene, the whole fourth act, and great part of the fifth. Lee composed the rest of "The Duke of Guise." The general parallel between the League in France and the Covenant in England, was too obvious to escape early notice; but the return of Monmouth to England against the king's express command, in order to head the opposition, perhaps the insurrection of London, presented a still closer analogy to the entry of the Duke of Guise into Paris, under similar circumstances, on the famous day of the barricades. Of this remarkable incident, the united authors of "The Duke of Guise" naturally availed themselves; though with such precaution, that almost the very expressions of the scene are taken from the prose of Davila. Yet the plot, though capable of an application so favourable for the royal party, contained circumstances of offence to it. If the parallel between Guise and Monmouth was on the one hand felicitous, as pointing out the nature of the duke's designs, the moral was revolting, as seeming to recommend the assassination of Charles' favourite son. The king also loved Monmouth to the very last; and was slow and reluctant in permitting his character to be placed in a criminal or odious point of view. The play, therefore, though ready for exhibition before midsummer, 1682, remained in the hands of Arlington the lordchamberlain for two months, without being licensed for representation. But during that time the scene darkened. The king had so far suppressed his tenderness for Monmouth, as to authorize his arrest at Stafford; and the influence of the Duke of York at court became daily more predominant. Among other evident tokens that no measures were hence

*In "Venice Preserved," the character of the foolish senator Antonio, now judiciously omitted in the representation, was said to be meant for Shaftesbury. But Crowne's "City Politics" conincluding Shaftesbury, College the Protestant joiner, Titus Oates, tained the most barefaced exhibition of all the popular leaders, and Sir William Jones. The last is described under the character of Bartoline, with the same lisping imperfect enunciation which of Charles II., that in "Sir Courtly Nice," another comedy which

distinguished the original. Let us remark, however, to the honour Crowne, by his express command, imitated from the Spanish, the furious Tory is ridiculed in the character of Hothead, as well as the fanatical Whig under that of Testimony.

See the prologues and epilogues in vol. X.; particularly those on pages 352, 358, 366, 368, 370.

The concealed partiality of Charles towards Monmouth sur

style, and therefore cannot but be unpleasing both to the unskil-vived even the discovery of the Rye-house plot. He could not ful and over-musical ear; the one being affected with only a shallow and easy, the other with a smooth and current disposition."-Postscript to Hall's Satires.

dissemble his satisfaction upon seeing him after his surender, and pressed his hand affectionately.-See Mormouth's Diary in Wellwood's Memorials, p. 322.

forward to be kept between the king and Monmouth, | ed by Dryden's old foe, Shadwell, in some verses, the representation of "The Duke of Guise" was at length authorized.

entitled, A Lenten Prologue refused by the Players ;" and more formally, in "Reflections on the The two companies of players, after a long and pretended Parallel in the Play called the Duke of expensive warfare, had now united their forces; on Guise.' In this pamphlet Shadwell seems to have which occasion Dryden furnished them with a pro- been assisted by a gentleman of the Temple, so zeallogue, full of violent Tory principles. By this united ous for the popular cause, that Dryden says he was company "The Duke of Guise" was performed on detected disguised in a livery-gown, proffering his the 30th December, 1682. It was printed with a vote at the Common-hall. Thomas Hunt, a bardedication to Hyde, Earl of Rochester, subscribed rister, likewise stept forth on this occasion; and by both authors, but evidently the work of Dryden. in his "Defence of the Charter of London," then It is written in a tone of defiance to the Whig au- challenged by the famous process of Quo Warranthors, who had assailed the dedicators, it alleges, to, he accuses Dryden of having prepared the way "like footpads in the dark," though their blows had for that arbitrary step, by the degrading representadone little harm, and the objects of their malice yet tion of their magistrates executed in effigy upon the lived to vindicate their loyalty in open day. The stage. Dryden thought these pamphlets of conseplay itself has as determined a political character as quence enough to deserve an answer, and published, the dedication. Besides the general parallel be- soon after, "The Vindication of the Duke of Guise.' tween the leaguers and the fanatical secretaries, and In perusing the controversy, we may admire two the more delicate, though not less striking connec- circumstances, eminently characteristic of the cantion between the story of Guise and of Monmouth, dour with which such controversies are usually there are other collateral allusions in the piece to maintained: first, the anxiety with which the crithe history of that unfortunate nobleman, and to tics labour to fix upon Dryden a disrespectful paralthe state of parties. The whole character of Mar-lel between Charles II. and Henry II. of France, moutiere, high spirited, loyal, and exerting all her which certainly our author did not propose to carry influence to deter Guise from the prosecution of his further than their common point of situation; and dangerous schemes, corresponds to that of Anne, secondly, the labour with which he disavows what Duchess of Monmouth.* The love too, which the he unquestionably did intend,-a parallel between king professes to Marmoutiere, and which excites the rebellious conduct of Monmouth and of Guise. the jealousy of Guise, may bear a remote and deli- The Vindication is written in a tone of sovereign cate allusion to that partiality which the Duke of contempt for the adversaries, particularly for ShadYork is said to have entertained for the wife of his well. Speaking of Thomas Hunt, Dryden says,nephew. The amiable colours in which Marmou- "Even this their celebrated writer knows no more tiere is painted, were due to the Duchess of Mon- of style and English than the Northern dictator; mouth, Dryden's especial patroness. Another more as if dullness and clumsiness were fatal to the name obvious and more offensive parallel existed between of Tom. It is true, he is a fool in three languages the popular party in the city, with the Whig sheriffs more than the poet; for they say, he understands at their head, and that of the echevins, or sheriffs Latin, Greek, and Hebrew,' from all which, to my of Paris, violent demagogues and adherents to the certain knowledge, I acquit the other. Og may League, and who, in the play, are treated with great write against the king, if he pleases, so long as he contumely by Grillon and the royal guards. The drinks for him, and his writings will never do the tumults which had taken place at the election of government so much harm, as his drinking does it these magistrates, were warm in the recollection of good; for true subjects will not be much perverted the city; and the commitment of the ex-sheriffs, by his libels; but the wine-duties rise considerably Shute and Pilkington, to the Tower, under pretext by his claret. He has often called me an atheist in of a riot, was considered as the butt of the poet's print; I would believe more charitably of him, and satire. Under these impressions the Whigs made a that he only goes the broad way, because the other is violent opposition to the representation of the piece, too narrow for him. He may see, by this, I do not even when the king gave it his personal counte- delight to meddle with his course of life, and his nance. And although in despite of them, "The immoralities, though I have a long bead-roll of them. Duke of Guise" so far succeeded, as "to be fre- I have hitherto contented myself with the ridicuquently acted, and never without a considerable at-lous part of him, which is enough, in all conscience, tendance," we may conclude from these qualified expressions of the author himself, that the play was never eminently popular. He, who writes for a party, can only please at most one half of his audience. It was not to be expected that, at a time so very critical, a public representation, including such bold allusions, or rather parallels, should pass without critical censure. "The Duke of Guise" was attack* Carte, in his "Life of the Duke of Ormond," says, that Monmouth's resolutions varied from submission to resistance against the king, according to his residence with the duchess at Moor park, who schooled him to the former course, or with his associates and partizans in the city, who instigated him to more desperate resolutions.

This Dryden might learn from Mulgrave, who mentions in his Memoirs, as a means of Monmouth's advancement, the great friendship which the Duke of York had openly professed to his wife, a lady of wit and reputation, who had both the ambition of making her husband considerable, and the address of succeeding in it, by using her interest in so friendly an uncle, whose design I believe was only to convert her. Whether this familiarity of theirs was contrived or only connived at by the Duke of Monmouth himself, is hard to determine. But I remember. that after these two princes had become declared enemies, the Duke of York one day told me, with some emotion, as conceiving it a new mark of his nephew's insolence, that he had forbidden his wife to receive any more visits from him; at which I could not help frankly replying, that I, who was not used to excuse him, yet could not hold from doing it in that case, wishing his high ness might have no juster cause to complain of him. Upon which the duke, surprised to find me excuse his and my own enemy, changed the discourse immediately."-Memoirs, p. 13.

I have perused letters from Sir Gideon Scott of Highchester to the Duchess of Monmouth, recommending a prudent and proper attention to the Duke of York: and this advice she probably fol lowed; for, after her husband's execution. James restored to her all her family estates. Sir Gideon's son had been married to the duchess' eldest sister.

to employ one man; even without the story of his late fall at the Old Devil, where he broke no ribs, because the hardness of the stairs could reach no bones; and, for my part, I do not wonder how he came to fall, for I have always known him heavy: the miracle is how he got up again. I have heard of a sea captain as fat as he, who, to escape arrests, would lay himself flat upon the ground, and let the bailiffs carry him to prison, if they could. If a messenger or two, nay, we may put in three or four, should come, he has friendly advertisement how to escape them. But to leave him, who is not worth any further consideration now I have done laughing at him, would every one knew his own talent, and that they, who are only born for drinking, would let both poetry and prose alone!" This was the last distinct and prolonged animadversion which our author bestowed upon his corpulent antagonist.

Soon after this time Dryden wrote a biographical preface to Plutarch's Lives, of which a new translation, by several hands, was in the press. The dedication is addressed to the Duke of Ormond, the Barzillai of "Absalom and Achitophel," whom Charles, after a long train of cold and determined neglect, had in emergency recalled to his favour and

Bought by Mr. Luttrell, 11th April, 1683. See it, vol. X. p. 131. It is expressly levelled against the "Duke of Guise," and generally against Dryden as a court poet. I may, however, be wrong in ascribing it to Shadwell.

I observe Anthony Wood, as well as Mr. Malone, suppose Hunt and the Templar associated in the Reflections to be the same person. But in the "Vindication of the Duke of Guise, Shadwell and they are spoke of as three distinct persons.

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party in opposition, comprehending, doubtless, many men of talent and eminence, who were formerly familiar with him, he had, during the course of a whole year, only spoken to four, and to those but casually and cursorily, and only to express a wish, that the times might come when the names of Whig and Tory might be abolished, and men live together as they had done before they were introduced.

his councils. The first volume of Plutarch's Lives, with Dryden's life of the author, appeared in 1683. About the same time, the king's express command engaged Dryden in a work, which may be considered as a sort of illustration of the doctrines laid down in the "Vindication of the Duke of Guise." It was the translation of Maimbourg's History of the League," expressly composed to draw a parallel between the Huguenots of France and the Leaguers, as both equal enemies of the monarchy. This comparison was easily transferred to the sectaries of England, and the association proposed by Shaftesbury. The work was published with unusual solemnity of title page and frontispiece: the former declaring, that the translation was made by his majesty's command; the lat-kind is least gratifying to a poverty-struck bard, and ter representing Charles on his throne, surrounded by emblems expressive of hereditary and indefeasible right. The dedication to the king contains sentiments which savour strongly of party violence, and even ferocity. The forgiving disposition of the king is, according to the dedicator, the encouragement of the conspirators. Like Antæus, they rise refreshed from a simple overthrow. "These sons of earth are never to be trusted in their mother element; they must be hoisted into the air, and strangled." Thus exasperated were the most gentle tempers in those times of doubt and peril. The rigorous tone adopted, confirms the opinion of those historians who observe, that, after the discovery of the Rye-house Plot, Charles was fretted out of his usual debonair ease, and became more morose and severe than had been hitherto thought consistent with his disposition.

This translation was to be the last service which Dryden was to render his good humoured, selfish, and thoughtless patron. While the laureate was preparing for the stage the opera of "Albion and Albanius," intended to solemnize the triumph of Charles over the Whigs, or, as the author expressed it, the double restoration of his sacred majesty, the king died of an apoplexy upon the 6th February, 1684-5. His death opened to many, and to Dryden among others, new hopes and new prospects, which were, in his instance, doomed to terminate in disappointment and disgrace. We may therefore pause, and review the private life of the poet during the period which has occupied our last sections.

The vigour and rapidity with which Dryden poured forth his animated satire, plainly intimates, that his mind was pleased with the exercise of that formidable power. It was more easy for him, he has himself told us, to write with severity, than with forbearance; and indeed, where is the expert swordsman who does not delight in the flourish of his weapon? Neither could this selfcomplacent feeling be much allayed, by the vague and abusive ribaldry with which his satire was repaid. This was natural to the controversy, was no more than he expected, and was easily retorted with treble interest. "As for knave," says he, and sycophant, and rascal, and impudent, and devil, and old serpent, and a thousand such good morrows, I take them to be only names of parties; and could return murderer, and cheat, and whig-napper, and sodomite; and, in short, the goodly number of the seven deadly sins, with all their kindred and relations, which are names of parties too; but saints will be saints, in spite of villainy." With such feelings, we may believe Dryden's rest was little disturbed by the litter of libels against him:

"Sons of a day just buoyant on the flood,

Then numbered with the puppies in the mud."

But he who keenly engages in political controversy, must not only encounter the vulgar abuse, which he may justly contemn, but the altered eye of friends, whose regard is chilled, or alienated. That Dryden sustained such misfortune we cannot doubt, when he informs us that, out of the large

Neither did the protecting zeal of his party friends compensate for the loss of those whom Dryden had alienated in their service. True it is, that a host of Tory rhymers came foward with complimentary verses to the author of "Absalom and Achitophel,' and of "The Medal." But of all payment, that in the courtly patrons of Dryden were in no haste to make him more substantial requital. A gratuity of a hundred broad pieces is said to have been paid him by Charles for one of his satires; but no permanent provision was made for him. He was coolly left to increase his pittance by writing occasional pieces; and it was probably with this view that he arranged for publication a miscellaneous collection of poetry, which he afterwards continued. It was published for Tonson, in 1683-4, and contained several versions of epistles from Ovid, and translations of detached pieces of Virgil, Horace, and Theocritus, with some smaller pieces by Dryden himself, and a variety of poems by other hands. The epistles had appeared in 1680, in a version of the original by several hands, to which Dryden also contributed an introductory discourse on translation. Contrary to our author's custom, the miscellany appeared without either preface or dedication.

The miscellany, among other minor poems of Dryden, contained many of his occasional prologues and epilogues, the composition of which his necessity had rendered so important a branch of income, that, in the midst of his splendour of satirical reputation, the poet was obliged to chaffer about the scanty recompense which he drew from such petty sources. Such a circumstance attended the commencement of his friendship with Southerne. That poet, then opening his dramatic career with the play of the "Loyal Brother," came, as was usual, to request a prologue from Dryden, and to offer him the usual compliment of five guineas. But the laureate demurred, and insisted upon double the sum ; out of disrespect," he added, "to you, young man; but the players have had my goods too cheap,' Hence Southerne, who was peculiarly fortunate in his dramatic revenue, is designed by Pope as "Tom sent down to raise

The price of prologues and of plays."

not

It may seem surprising, that Dryden should be left to make an object of such petty gains, when, labouring for the service of government, he had in little more than twelve months produced both parts of "Absalom and Achitophel,' "The Medal,' "Mac-Flecknoe," "Religio Laici" and "The Duke of Guise." But this was not the worst; for, although his pension as poet laureate was apparently all the encouragement which he received from the crown, so ill regulated were the finances of Charles, to expensive his pleasures, and so greedy his favourites, that our author, shortly after finishing these immortal poems, was compelled to sue for more regular payment of that very pension, and for a more permanent provision, in the following affecting Memorial, addressed to Hyde, Earl of Rochester :I would plead," says he, a little merit, and some hazards of my life from the common enemies; my refusing advantages offered by them, and neglecting my beneficial studies, for the king's service; but only think I merit not to starve. I never applied myself to any interest contrary to your lordship's; and, on some occasions, perhaps not known to you, have not been unserviceable to the memory and re

66

See vol. XVII. p. 80. In this edition I have retained a speci-putation of my lord, your father. After this, my men of a translation, which our author probably executed with Probably alluding to the author having defended Clarendon peculiar care: selecting it from the account of the barricade of in public company; for nothing of the kind occurs in Dryden's Paris, as illustrating the tragedy of the "Duke of Guise." publications.

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lord, my conscience assures me, I may write boldly, though I cannot speak to you. I have three sons, growing to man's estate. I breed them all up to learning, beyond my fortune; but they are too hopeful to be neglected, though I want. Be pleased to look on me with an eye of compassion: some small employment would render my condition easy. The king is not unsatisfied of me; the duke has often promised me his assistance; and your lordship is the conduit through which their favours pass. Either in the customs, or the appeals of the excise, or some other way, means cannot be wanting, if you please to have the will. 'Tis enough for one age to have neglected Mr. Cowley, and starved Mr. Butler; but neither of them had the happiness to live till your lordship's ministry. In the mean time, be pleased to give me a gracious and a speedy answer to my present request of half a year's pension for my necessities. I am going to write somewhat by his majesty's command, and cannot stir into the country for my health and studies till I secure my family from want."

We know that this affecting remonstrance was in part successful; for long afterwards, he says, in allusion to this period, "Even from a bare treasury, my success has been contrary to that of Mr. Cowley; and Gideon's fleece has there been moistened, when all the ground was dry." But in the admission of this claim to the more regular payment of his pension, was comprehended all Rochester's title to Dryden's gratitude. The poet could not obtain the small employment which he so earnestly solicited; and such was the recompense of the merry monarch and his councellors, to one whose productions had strengthened the pillars of his throne, as well as renovated the literary taste of the nation.

SECTION VI.

Threnodia Augustalis-Albion and Albanius-Dryden becomes a
Catholic-The Controversy of Dryden with Stillingfleet-The
Hind and Panther-Life of St. Francis Xavier-Consequences
of the Revolution to Dryden-Don Sebastian-King Arthur-
Cleomenes-Love Triumphant.

THE accession of James II. to the British throne excited new hopes in all orders of men. On the accession of a new prince, the loyal looked to rewards, the rebellious to amnesty. The Catholics exulted in beholding one of their persuasion attain the crown after an interval of two centuries; the church of England expected the fruits of her unlimited devotion to the royal line; even the sectaries might hope indulgence from a prince, whose religion deviated from that established by law as widely as their own. All, therefore, hastened, in sugared addresses, to lament the sun which had set, and hail the beams of that which had arisen. Dryden, among other expectants, chose the more honourable of these themes; and in the "Threnodia Augustalis," at once paid a tribute to the memory of the deceased monarch, and decently solicited the attention of his But although he had enjoyed personal marks of the favour of Charles, they were of a nature too unsubstantial to demand a deep tone of sorrow. "Little was the muses' hire, and light their gain and "the pension of a prince's praise" is stated to have been all their encouragement. Dryden, therefore, by no means sorrowed as if he had no hope; but, having said all that was decently mournful over the bier of Charles, tuned his lyrics to a sounding close in praise of James.

successor.

About the same time, Dryden resumed, with new courage, the opera of "Albion and Albanius," which had been nearly finished before the death of Charles. This was originally designed as a masque, or emblematical prelude to the play of "King Arthur;" for Dryden, wearied with the inefficient patronage of Charles, from whom he only "received fair words," had renounced in despair the task of an epic poem, and had converted one of his themes, that of the tale of Arthur, into the subject of a romantic drama. As the epic was to have been adapted to the honour

*Probably the translation of "Religio Laici."

and praise of Charles and his brother, the opera
had originally the same political tendency. "Albion
and Albanius" was a sort of introductory masque,
in which, under a very thin veil of allegory, first,
the restoration of the Stuarts to the throne, and,
secondly, their escape from the Rye-house Plot, and
the recent conquest over their Whig opponents
were successively represented. The death of Charles
made little alteration in this piece; it cost but the
addition of an apotheosis: and the opera concluded
with the succession of James to the throne, from
which he had been so nearly excluded. These top-
ics were however temporary; and, probably from
the necessity of producing it while the allusions
were fresh and obvious, "Albion and Albanius" was
detached from "King Arthur," which was not in
such a state of forwardness. Great expense was
bestowed in bringing forward this piece, and the
scenery seems to have been unusually perfect; par-
ticularly, the representation of a celestial phenome-
non, actually seen by Captain Gunman of the navy,
whose evidence is quoted in the printed copies of
the play. The music of "Albion and Albanius"
was arranged by Grabut, a Frenchman, whose
name does not stand high as a composer. Yet
Dryden pays him some compliments in the preface
of the piece, which were considered as derogatory
to Purcel and the English school, and gave great
offence to a class of persons as least as irritable as
their brethren the poets. This, among other causes,
seems to have injured the success of the piece. But
its death-blow was the news of the Duke of Mon-
mouth's invasion, which reached London on Sat-
urday, 13th June 1685, while "Albion and Albanius,"
was performing for the sixth time: the audience
broke up in consternation, and the piece was never
again repeated. This opera was prejudicial to the

+ It formed the machine on which Iris appeared, vol. VII. p. 241. I have been favoured by Sir Egerton Brydges, with the following Extract from the Journal of Captain Christopher Gunman, commander of his Royal Highness' yacht, the Mary, lying in Calais pier, Tuesday, 18th March:

1683-4,

"March 18th. It was variable cloudy weather: this morning about seven o'clock saw in the firmament three suns, with two demi-rainbows; and all within one whole rainbow, in form and shape as here portrayed:

[graphic][merged small][merged small]

Mr. Gunman, the descendant of the captain, has lately had a picture on the subject painted by Serres, the marine painter; which makes an interesting history-piece. It represents the phenomenon in the heavens-the harbour of Calais-and the yacht lying off it,

&c. &c.

This tradition is thus critically examined and proved by Mr. Malone:

"From a letter written by King James to the Prince of Orange, June 15th, 1685, it appears that though the Duke of Monmouth landed at Lyme, in Dorsetshire, on Thursday evening, June 11th, an account of his landing did not reach the King at Whitehall till Saturday morning the 13th. The House of Commons, hav ing met on that day at the usual hour, between nine and ten o'clock, the news was soon afterwards communicated to them by whom Etheredge afterwards wrote two poetical epistles from a message from the King, delivered by the Earl of Middleton, (to Ratisbon.)-Having voted and drawn up an address to his ma jesty, desiring him to take care of his royal person, they adjourned

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