success in the interval, he would be bound to nothing. This is according to the principle on which the Allies have acted. There may be no great danger, but it might have been obviated.

Stewart is writing to you at length on the subject of the instructions. So far as we are concerned, I think we should be satisfied. It removes the possibility of any difference of opinion; for, where there is no discretion, there can be no difference. It is altogether more consistent with the spirit in which the negociation has been carried on throughout by the Sovereigns themselves, and not by their Plenipotentiaries.

There is only one point on which I would observe, with a view to any change, and I would say nothing, if I did not think it was an oversight, notwithstanding Metternich says he has mûrement pésé the affair. If no answer is returned, we are directed to give in a Note, informing Caulaincourt that we have brought this fact to the knowledge of our Governments. Would it not be better to have a Conference for this purpose? We have yet had no interchange of Notes. If we begin, it is difficult to say where we shall stop. We deviate from the principles mutually agreed on at the beginning of our proceedings, and without any reason that I can perceive. If we take this liberty, the French Minister may follow our example, and the whole course of proceeding may be changed. After all, this is a matter of form, and therefore of less consequence. If it has been adopted with due consideration, I have not a word to say. Believe me ever sincerely yours, ABERDEEN. I send you enclosed two letters which Caulaincourt has received for you. If you have any answers to send, he offers to take charge of them.

Draft.

Lord Castlereagh to Lord Liverpool.

Chaumont, March 8, 1814. My dear Liverpool-I enclose, for yours and Vansittart's consideration, a note which I have received from Count Nesselrode, with my answer, on the subject of which the Emperor

of Russia spoke to me himself with much solicitude. You will recollect that this object was pressed upon us soon after the restoration of amicable relations with Russia, and was then declined. The intended aggrandizement of Holland has suggested a new occasion on which that Power hopes to relieve herself from this incumbrance.

You must have observed that a considerable interval occurred between the execution of the instrument lately signed, relative to the Low Countries, on the part of Russia, and its signature by the two other Powers. This arose from an endeavour directly to connect the liquidation of the Dutch loan as a condition with her accession to the Convention in question. To this attempt I had no hesitation in giving a direct negative. The Convention was signed, and the claim confided to the liberality of the Prince Regent's Government.

I have stated distinctly to the Russian Minister the difficulties of this question, but I have felt so strongly the immense importance at the present moment of not wholly discouraging the interested motives which may carry forward Russia in this, to her, most expensive and distant struggle, that I have undertaken to bring the subject thus privately under your favourable consideration.

You will observe that the request is wholly founded upon the previous successful execution of our views for uniting Brabant with Holland. It is not proposed that the capital of the loan should be paid off, but that the interest, with a moderate sinking fund, should be defrayed. I have also reason to believe that the Emperor would not be dissatisfied, if the annual charge thus to be computed was to be defrayed equally between the three Powers, viz., Russia, Great Britain, and Holland.

I am aware that this transaction differs essentially in its character from any aid which the Parliament of Great Britain has hitherto been prevailed on to afford to a foreign State; and yet practically, in its political influence, it may be of more real importance, both upon the war itself and upon the future

happy construction of the Continent, than a greater sum provided in the ordinary shape of subsidy.

I certainly consider the advantage by no means unimportant of giving Russia a direct interest in the execution of our views on the side of Flanders, and especially if the Prince Royal is charged with the conduct of the operations in that quarter. A consideration of this nature may not be requisite with the Emperor himself, but it would furnish him with a useful instrument to repress the clamour with which I know he is assailed, for being so prodigal of the blood and treasure of his people upon objects remote from his own frontier.

The demand in itself appears to me much more one of policy than justice. In the latter sense, Austria and Prussia are in some respects equally, if not more, entitled. If it can be done, I have no doubt Russia could induce both these Powers to support her views, without bringing forward any claims of their own; and if Great Britain is prepared to bear her onethird, I do not think it would be an unreasonable condition to make on the part of the Allies with the Prince of Orange's Government, having first conquered these rich provinces at their own charge, at the moment of their transfer to his family to charge them with some inconsiderable portion of that expense, in favour of the particular member of the confederacy, which certainly has made, and continues to make, the most inconvenient sacrifices for the common interest.

If I am enabled to give encouragement to these views on the part of Russia, I am of opinion that it may be attended with the most beneficial consequences, in bringing the contest in which we are engaged to a satisfactory issue.

Lord Walpole to Lord Castlereagh.

St. Petersburgh, March 8, 1814.

My Lord-I trust I shall stand excused for the step which I mentioned as having taken in my secret and ciphered of January 14, 1814. The fulfilment of my agreement was

dependent upon your lordship's approval of its entire success. Since this, I have been assured of the hearty concurrence of the first person mentioned therein, but circumstances, which it is impossible to detail to your lordship, have subsequently much diminished the credit of the second. I have, however, reason to think that he has regained a part, and he will be always a valuable friend.

The finances of this country are in a deplorable state: various proposals for their amelioration have been made to a committee appointed for that purpose, among which is one, something similar (at least in its effect) to the public bankruptcy declared a few years ago in Austria, viz., the emission of a new kind of paper money. It is enough to state that the theatres are totally ,' and would in this country most probably produce a revolutionary effect: it is not unlikely that a demand for some sort of assistance may be made upon England.

In spite of all solemn promises, &c., to the contrary, the clandestine issue of the paper money of this country by the Government has been lately enormous; and it is daily lowering in value throughout Germany and the Continent. The exchange with England is here considered as the touchstone of finance; but, in spite of every kind of effort, it has been, and is rapidly falling.

The state of the interior is not less alarming. The slavery of the peasantry, with the lately acquired knowledge of their own force, forms the most prominent feature. The Emperor seems always to have wished, and has gone some way towards their emancipation; but it will require a strong and dexterous hand to direct this universal sentiment, which threatens to shake this empire to its foundations.

Considerable fear of Turkey is visible; troops on their march to the army have been ordered to that frontier, to be replaced in Germany by the depôts and new levies. It is much to be regretted that the Emperor could not have been 1 An evident omission, but no blank in the autograph original.

1

induced to recede from what equally exasperated the Turks, and gave well-founded jealousy to Austria.

I have reason to believe that Mr. Laval is concerned with those I mentioned in my private letter to your lordship, of February 19, 1814. Mr. Merry, of Leeds, sends abroad steamengines, and in the packages of the necessary apparatus are mixed the machinery desired to be exported. The smaller parts are concealed in the pipes and tunnels belonging to the steam-engine; and the whole escapes the inexperienced eye of the Custom-house officer. A young Englishman, lately gone through Sweden, with his sister, is also a party employed. I have the honour to be, &c., WALPOLE.

Lord Walpole to Lord Castlereagh.

March 9, 1814.

My Lord-By the next opportunity, I shall have the honour of sending you the copy of a memoir given to the Emperor last year, by a General Guillaume de [Vaudoncourt],1 General in the Italian army, and made prisoner at Wilna. He had long been desirous of quitting the French service, and must be a man of considerable talents, as he was at the head of the Geographical Depôt de la Guerre, and Chief of the Council of Engineers appointed by Buonaparte to consider of the best means of defence for Italy.

There are above 10,000 Italian prisoners, with a great many officers, in Russia, mostly in the Ukraine; and his proposal was to embody these, to march them through Hungary into Italy, or to send them from Odessa by sea, to form a noyau and support to insurrection.

Should affairs not have taken a decided turn in that country, he might be of essential service to Lord William Bentinck, from his local knowledge, or his plan might possibly engage your lordship to speak to the Emperor on the subject.

I have the honour to be &c.,

1 Blank in original.

WALPOLE.