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This career of cruelty and oppression on one occasion met with a reproof, and the manner in which it was received is too illustrative of the Grand Duke's character not to be recorded. Among other subjects of his oppression, was a Polish officer of rank, who was confined in a foul dungeon placed under a common sewer. There the unhappy man was wasting away in a noisome and pestilential atmosphere. This happened to reach the ears of one of those men who do honor to their high calling,--a bold, intrepid priest, who considered himself bound as the minister of a benevolent Deity, to interpose, and if possible to soften the obdurate heart of the tyrant. By the mere accident of receiving permission from the Grand Duke Michael, he was admitted to Constantine's presence. He stated the object of his visit firmly but respectfully. The Grand Duke stormed -the priest declared, that undeterred by menaces he would fulfil what he deemed a paramount duty. Astonished at this, the Grand Duke sprang out of the window, declaring that there was a madman within. The priest was conveyed to a convent, where he was confined; but his interference effected no relief to the individual he sought to serve, nor did he obtain any general relaxation.

While acts of private oppression were calling forth all the hatred to Russia, which is the birthright of every Pole, political tyranny was superadded, as if it were desirable to concentrate upon one point the entire indignation of a brave and devoted people. We have already adverted to the patriotic association, modelled almost after the recommendation of the Emperor Alexander. This association, formed by the celebrated General Dombrowski, had at first a masonic and military character: having, as its object, mutual good offices among the army. Its existence was perfectly known to Alexander; who alleged in his discourses to the Diet, and indeed on all occasions, that he could not re-unite, as he earnestly desired, the Polish provinces in actual union with Russia, with the revived kingdom, because he could not discover among them either a Polish spirit, or a desire to become Poles. He therefore recommended that the association formed should extend its objects and become the means of promoting a national spirit. Of his intervention abundant proof was furnished, in prosecutions on which we shall hereafter touch. For a time this recommendation was not acted upon; but in 1820 it was adopted; when unhappily the causes, as we have already seen, which effected an entire revolution in the Emperor's political views, induced him to denounce the association as treasonable. And for its suppression, in direct violation of the constitution, he appointed a military commission, which tried and condemned civilians without any of the prescribed formalities. And, as if he were desirous of rendering its proceedings still more odious, he composed it of men of infamous character,-Haöke, Blumer, Kornatowski, Chankiewicz, and others, mere tools of the Grand Duke; who, in point of fact, issued the proclamations, dictated the sentences, and provided for their due execution. One of the most atrocious acts of this most atrocious period is the treatment of Major Lukasinski, a Polish officer of high character and blameless life. He was distinguished by the Grand Duke, indeed was especially favored on all occasions, but, being a member of the association at the time that it became particularly obnoxious,

he was arrested, and after some time brought into the presence of his imperious chief; who, addressing him in terms of kindness and friendship, invited him to repose confidence in the known attachment he felt for him; thus thrown off his guard, the unhappy man spoke with frankness and candour. He was removed to his dungeon, tried on his confession to the Grand Duke, was convicted, and condemned to be deprived of all his honors, to chains, and to perpetual imprisonment. In compliance with this sentence, he was conveyed to the fortress of Zamosc, where upwards of a thousand persons similarly circumstanced were confined. One of the Grand Duke's emissaries was introduced into the prison; he got up a conspiracy for effecting the escape of the prisoners, and, without the privity of the wretched Lukasinski, contrived to procure his nomination as the leader of the conspirators. Then further persecutions were instituted, and for this imputed crime, which, even if real, could not be blamed by any man, he was condemned to death. This was, however, too humane; death would have afforded relief to the wearied sufferer, which was not the object of Constantine. It was therefore commuted to perpetual imprisonment and a WEEKLY FLOGGING. And it was directed that a record should be kept for Constantine's especial information of the effect of each blow on the wretched victim! Humanity recoils at recording such atrocity, such cold-blooded ferocity; and we should not have ventured on making the statement, had not the facts been attested by documents found among the papers of the Grand Duke after his precipitate retreat from Warsaw last November. To guard against the possibility of relief or escape, Lukasinski was alternately confined in a prison in the heart of Warsaw, or in the fortress of Goura; and he was instantly removed, if the scene of his actual sufferings were even suspected. Unfortunately for him, at the moment of the insurrection of Warsaw, he was at Goura, and although jewels, papers, and other valuables were left behind, Lukasinski was too precious not to be carried off with scrupulous care. The actual history of his sufferings would have contributed to animate even the most torpid patriotism, when even the imperfect statements that are now communicated to the English public cannot fail to excite a disgust and detestation for the tyrant only equalled by the sympathy for the victim of his persecution. But notwithstanding these increasing grounds of dissatisfaction,-nay, of deep and unqualified abhorrence, the good sense of the associated regenerators of their country's freedom prevailed over their excited feelings. The ferocity of the unprincipled savage but confirmed them in the path of duty and in the necessity of the utmost caution. Yet thus rendered circumspect, they never forgot that these practical illustrations of tyranny imposed upon them additional and more urgent duties to their country. Under these convictions they restricted their operations to the most narrow limit, and nothing beyond Poland and Poles was ever regarded in even a speculative view. Yet, in spite of all this caution, on the breaking out of the Russian conspiracy, after the death of Alexander, in favor of Constantine, in opposition to his younger brother, the present emperor, attempts were made to connect the Polish association with the Russian revolt.

Under this pretext an immense number of the association, already in

bad odour from having been denounced by Alexander, were arrested. The most chosen victims were persons eminent for their rank, attainments, virtues, and patriotism; not that noisy and presumptuous quality miscalled patriotism, which displays itself in idle declamation and useless turbulence, but in that silent devotion to the best interests of their country, illustrated by improving its condition and by promoting every measure calculated to benefit the people. The individuals so arrested were declared by an imperial ordinance to be guilty, in defiance of an acquittal by the senate, which alone could legally investigate the charges. The imperial decree then issued, condemning the accused to imprisonment, exile, and every penalty that unprincipled caprice could suggest. In this career of criminal folly a singular step was taken, without the chief movers conceiving it possible to produce some most important effects in the sequel. The whole of the alleged offences were published, the defence suppressed; but, as these offences involved only what every Pole felt to be a sacred duty, the disclosure produced fresh ardor in the cause, and led to the establishment of innumerable other associations, all of which conduced mainly to the recent explosion.

Among the illustrious men there is a gentleman, now in London, whose personal sufferings may be considered a fair example of the system pursued. His career may be described as one of pain and misery. His father a distinguished champion of the liberties of his country at the period of the last partition-was expatriated: being accompanied with his wife, the subject of the present detail was born during their flight, and was seized with his father's property by the governor. He was placed with a man who appears to have possessed some of the feelings of humanity; for on the death of his own child, he reported the stranger to be dead, at the same time restoring him to his parents. Subsequently to the establishment of the Duchy of Warsaw, he entered the service of Napoleon, and served with distinction, but was taken prisoner in 1812, and was three years in prison. After the cession to Russia, and the establishment of the kingdom, he wished to retire from military life; and, after fourteen refusals to accept his resignation, the permission to retire was most ungraciously granted. His pertinacity had offended, and his integrity made him a marked man. Accordingly, on the occasion of which we speak, he was arrested, (having at that time previously spent about seven years in Russian prisons) and without condemnation placed in a dark dungeon, where for eleven months he neither saw the face of man, nor the light of day. At the expiration of that time he (with others) was suddenly taken from their cells, thrown into common carts, and conveyed under a burning sun to St. Petersburg, where he was kept in rigorous custody, until he had completed his fourth year of additional captivity. Almost at the moment of his arrest he had been married to a lovely and amiable female: he had no intercourse with his family during his wearisome confinement; and when he returned to be cheered by domestic affection, he found that he had become a father, but that his wife, worn out by her feelings, was no longer the beautiful partner of his hopes and fears, but an exhausted being, dropping fast into her grave. She died in two months. Acts like these necessarily roused that spirit,

which has since spoken in the voice of thunder to the oppressor. The suppressed indignation burst forth on the 30th of November, 1830, in the following manner :-The police of the Grand Duke, ever on the alert to render themselves acceptable to their master, by affording him objects on which he might reck his ruthless passions, planned an association for the purpose of involving the most respectable and distinguished persons in Poland; and for that purpose inveigled a number of ardent youths, just after the revolution in Paris, to attend meetings, and to avow patriotic opinions. The prime conspirator, either from indolence, or a belief that there might be danger in devising a new organisation for the association, used that which had been discovered during the early proceedings against the patriots. A copy of this scheme falling into the hands of some of the members of the actual associations, excited a suspicion that they had been betrayed; and the recollection of former horrors decided them to take instant measures for liberating themselves from their detestable thraldom.

Constantine had established a school for the education of inferior officers, with a view to destroying the national character in the army. The numbers at this establishment were at this time 180, of whom not more than six or eight were parties to the association. These however, early in the evening of the day already mentioned, went into their barrack, addressed their comrades, explained their views, and without a single dissentient, not even excepting one individual who was sick in bed, they armed themselves, and commenced their operations.

In order to understand their proceedings, it is necessary to give a short account of local circumstances. The Grand Duke, though affecting a reckless courage on all occasions, did not choose to incur the risk of living in the centre of Warsaw, but established himself at the palace of Belveder in the outskirts of the city, having at a short distance the barracks of three regiments of Russian guards. From some whimsical motive he surrounded the barrack with a wide and deep ditch, over which some very narrow bridges were thrown, so that by boats it was most conveniently crossed. Constantine had no guards about his residence, but the disguised spies were so numerous, that no stranger could approach beyond the outer gate without interruption. The habits of the Grand Duke, too, favored the plan of the conspirators. His usual practice was to rise at four, to appear among the troops and in public until his hour of dinner, which is two in the afternoon; then to retire to bed, sleep until seven or eight o'clock, then rise again and devote himself to amusement for the evening. The hour chosen for proceeding to his palace, for the purpose of making him a prisoner to be detained as an hostage, was seven. At that time the young soldiers proceeded to the bridge of Sobieski, where the main body posted themselves, while a dozen of the most determined pressed forward to complete their object. They forced their way into the palace, where they were first opposed by the director of the police, one Lubowidizki, who fled on being wounded; next they encountered the Russian General Gendre, a man infamous for his crimes; he was killed in the act of resisting. Lastly, when on the point of reaching the bedchamber of the Grand Duke, who alarmed had

just risen, they were stopped by the valet-de-chambre Kochanowski, who by closing a secret door enabled his master to escape undressed through the window. He fled to his guards, who instantly turned out. Disappointed in their prey, the devoted band rejoined their companions at the bridge of Sobieski, where they had been awaiting the result of the plan. On finding that the first object had failed, they resolved on returning into the city. In doing this, it was necessary to pass close to the barracks, where the soldiers were already mounted, but unable to cross the ditch from the precautionary arrangements of the small bridges. They could therefore only fire on the hostile party, who, from being thus peculiarly situated, returned the fire so briskly that they killed 300 before they retreated, carrying off only one of their party wounded. On reaching the city, they instantly liberated every state prisoner, were joined by the school of the engineers and the students of the university. A party entered the only two theatres open, calling out "Women home-men to arms. Both requisitions were instantaneously complied with. The arsenal was next forced, and, in one hour and a half from the first movement, so electrical was the cry of liberty, that 40,000 men were in arms. The Sappers and the 4th Polish regiment, declared in favor of the insurrection very soon; and by eleven o'clock the remainder of the Polish troops in Warsaw, declaring that their children were too deeply compromised to be abandoned, espoused the popular cause. On learning this the Grand Duke fell back forcing two regiments of Polish guards along with him.

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Nowozilzoff, the criminal coadjutor of the Grand Duke, from some presentiment of danger, had gone to St. Petersburg a day before the revolution broke out. The functionaries, thus abandoned, to check the spread of principles opposed to those of Russian policy invited the most distinguished patriots to join them. These were Czartorisky, Radzivill, Niemcewicz, Chlopicki, Pac, Kachnowski and Lelewel. No good, however, resulted from this heterogeneous assemblage; for, in the hope of accommodation, the patriots were induced to allow the Grand Duke to retire under a convention, when they might have captured his entire army. The escape of so detested a person and his myrmidons excited great dissatisfaction; but no excess was committed, although the exuberance of joy among the patriot bands produced a thousand extravagant demonstrations of their feelings. Disorder might, however, have followed; and Chlopicki, a man of stern character and known devotion to the cause, declared himself Dictator-a declaration that was universally satisfactory, from the acknowledged qualities of the man. The attempt to blend his military duties with political details, in the end, proved more than he was equal to. He summoned the Diet, and sent negociators (Prince Lubecki and Mr. Iezierski) to St. Petersburg: he demanded uncontrolled authority, which was granted with one dissentient voice. Iezierski returned from Petersburg unsuccessful; as the basis of negociation insisted upon by the Emperor was unconditional submission. Chlopicki, dissatisfied with his own failure, retired, and for two days there was no executive power: yet no one breathed a thought of abandoning the cause. The Diet then chose Radzivill as commander-in-chief: though brave, honor

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