that neither may prevail to the destruction of the other. We ask the King, Lords, and Commons, not the Lords and stock-borough dealers, to govern us. The present proposers of reform are of the aristocracy, essentially so; they are among the most ancient and wealthy families of the realm. They are not the peers or commoners, who have sprung up like mushrooms from Irish unions and from commercial speculations. Marshal man for man, for and against reform at the present moment, and we are fully persuaded no one will venture to denominate the Peers and Commoners who support the measure, the low or vulgar of the land; or deny that they will not in pedigree, and in every possible way, stand competition with their opponents, if they have not Doctor Sidmouth's and Pedlar Londonderry's pretensions. None we are sure of the honest and highminded of the Tories talk such nonsense; yet there are found persons who do so. Many, nay a very large portion, of the Tories admit the expediency of some reform, but differ as to the extent of the measure, and differ conscientiously on this ground only. It is the sordid and self-interested alone who deny the necessity of any reform, and in most lachrymose vein bemoan the pretended ruin of their country, in the way a lawyer would be pathetic if our jails were empty, or Jack Ketch would weep at a virgin gibbet.

Would the opponents of reform leave the matter alone, and, like my Lord Eldon, enforce penal statutes upon every occasion, and draw the rein tighter so that things might go on under compression a little longer,-leaving the future to chance or posterity, content if it lasted their day? Such a course is not patriotism if it succeed; but when the world around is struggling for emancipation from heavier abuses than we endure, is it probable, is it possible the British people would remain quiet under theirs with the consciousness of justice and right on their side? We think not-we know they would not— they dare not in their duty to God and to their children. What would be the result of a reform forced from a government by convulsion, we have not far to look for an example. Policy, reason, justice, all things sacred demand that it be conceded by the rulers to the people, not torn from them.

We have granted, that, as to the minor arrangements, the extent of the measure, the qualification, and similar provisions, many conscientious men differ. These are questions which can only be settled by calm deliberation. The present is the time to carry it into effect, if it be ever effected through the medium by which it will come safest to the people. To delay the question is a dereliction of a public duty, especially when it is considered how very selfish and sordid are the motives which actuate too large a portion of its enemies. We know something of human nature, and we should no more think a peer of the realm free from the natural influence of self-interest, thau a banker or a tradesman. If a peer return half a dozen members at four thousand pounds a seat, (the market price at one time, we believe) he stands, in our estimation, as much interested as any other man who has twenty-four thousand at stake; and if instead of money he hold the same value in ministerial interest, by which he provides for his family and dependents, it is but as so many directorships or shares of

stock with a banker or trader; the influence upon the individual is precisely the same-the pure worth of the thing. We have been too long used to the stuff so frequently put forth, of an honorable gentleman, or peer, never feeling influenced by this thing or that, or being above such and such a commonplace line of conduct-we put no faith in this nonsense. Man, high-born or low-born, is the same in essentials. A man may scorn mean actions from a sense of honor growing out of a consciousness that he must not degrade himself, but, as to self-interest, all men are pretty well on a par.

It was to be expected that the opposers of the bill would advance nothing clear and new against it. The opposition in point of argument has been in the highest degree sophistical. The speeches of Sir Robert Inglis, Lord Leveson Gower, and Sir Robert Peel were the best. Mr. Horace Twiss of course spoke on the same side, and added considerably to the cause of his opponents, by the want of reasoning and the superficiality of what he delivered. Night after night passed away, even to the seventh, when it may be supposed the House was pretty well tired, before the division took place, which gave ministers a majority of one in favor of the bill. Never was a debate more pertinaciously carried on without a new argument being advanced from which the public could be a gainer. In fact, the reform of parliament has been canvassed in some shape or other for the last seventy years. Every argument that plausibility could produce, imagination invent, sophistry concoct, or credulity swallow, has been repeated usque ad nauseam a thousand times, to combat the plain truth that the parliamentary system is corrupt and must be reformed," and in all these modes of fighting off this truth, the corruption has not been denied, because it could not be denied; all has been exerted to avert that by which certain usurped interests may not suffer, cost England what it may. For our own parts, we trust we may yet say in truth what has heretofore been said, by one of the most illustrious of the friends of freedom, "Let not England forget her precedence of teaching nations how to live." In order to say this with justice, let us rub off the abuses which time has brought upon us-let us reform.

We had written thus far in explanation of our political sentiments, when a motion of General Gascoigne, that the number of members of parliament for England should not be reduced, was carried against ministers by a majority of twenty-two. The Bill for Reform has therefore been defeated, at least for a time, upon a point which had very little to do with the question of reform itself. As a part of the bill, however, upon which ministers were determined it should stand or fall, it was abandoned by them. The dissolution of parliament seems a necessary consequence of this step, for that, or a resignation of ministers, is the only alternative. For this step Lord Grey will be loaded with abuse by the opposition. For ourselves, we think such abuse will come with a very ill grace from those who, when in office, were accustomed to avail themselves of every aid to keep their places and carry their measures, however unpopular or injurious. It would, indeed, be a wonderful stretch of politeness in ministers to say, As you have opposed us and thrown out our bill, pray come in and pre

clude reform for ever if possible. We give up all hopes of carrying other measures beneficial to the country; we give up the emoluments of office as a sacrifice to your superior sagacity!" On the motion of General Gascoigne there was a warm debate : Mr. Price, who seemed inspired, under the operation of a miracle, to deliver oracles of more than Delphic wisdom in more than Demosthenian oratory, made a most extraordinary appeal to the house. After a lugubrious denunciation of the French people for not submitting to the despotism of the wretched fanatic whom they so properly dethroned, and whom he denominated" conspirators," — (Good God, what an appellation even from this till now obscure personage, or from any man, however contemptible, who treads the soil of a free country!) the honorable gentleman proceeded in his Jeremiad with apparently more eloquence, all the solemn nothingness of Mr. Sadler, and a folio of classical quotations, for which that gentleman substitutes politico-economical extracts after his own grave mode. He defended close boroughs he pronounced that reform ought not to be granted until present men were changed into angels, (therefore we presume Mr. Price would leave the representation in the hands of the archangels his tory friends). Hume, De Lolme, Tacitus, Burke, Bacon, Virgil, Cromwell, Fairfax, Mirabeau, Lafayette, Bolingbroke, Montesquieu were all conjured up in mazy illustration, to prove that close boroughs, and by consequence seat-selling, were part and parcel of the ark of the constitution, with which it was sacrilege to interfere. He dreaded the subserviency of parliament to the choice of a large body of" uninformed individuals," and, finally, after many throes and a hard time of it, as the midwives would say, was delivered of the following stale quotation from Lord Bolingbroke: "Those who are preparing to build up a government should recollect that the kingly power ought to form the basis, and the popular power the superstructure; for if you place a republic as the basis, and afterwards build a monarchy upon it, your building will fall into ruins on the slightest shock." This is utter nonsense. The political doctrines of 1745 and of 1790 have been proved to be very ill-fitting for the present times, and very irreconcilable to common sense. The kingly power would in this case resemble the bottom of an inverted pyramid. We hold the king's to be based on the people's power, which is the true basis of all government. In respect to the uninformed individuals" of whom the honorable gentleman spoke, we must say, that the pretended exclusive wisdom, claimed by many of the gentry and upper ranks in this country, is one of the most unfounded, false, and dangerous mistakes into which they can fall. The habits, ease, and bad mode of education of the higher classes in general, make those who figure among them as distinguished men exceptions only; they are in general far less informed, far more ignorant, than the middling classes; and many even behind a good proportion of the lower. They have not kept pace with the age in which they live; and it seems as if some are determined to shut their eyes to it, and thank God they are not as wise as their inferiors in other respects, aye, and even to cherish that ignorance as a trait of their high pretensions. There is nothing complex in voting for a member of parliament after a man's fancy, and

this is therefore, no great stretch of wisdom to be conceded even to the uninformed" class. Mr. Price was cheered as a sort of Godsend by his party. His appearance was a political avatar, of which they have talked to the exclusion of almost every other topic, Sir R. Vyvian and Mr. Hart Davis having had no other word since upon their lips but " Prodigious!"

At length Parliament has been dissolved. The appeal to the people has been rightly resolved upon. As we have observed, General Gascoigne brought forward a motion that the number of members for Great Britain should not be diminished: it was carried against Ministers by a majority of 22. The next measure to come before the house was the supplies; and this was prevented by moving an adjournment. Of this a Bankes was the instrument; a name connected with every thing that is shuffling and pernicious in parliament-a name, that if the House gets rid of by the measure of Reform, would alone make that measure a benefit. We speak this without reference to a Whig or Tory administration; to each, to either, to both, the same name has been, and ever will be, a sign of political evil, notwithstanding the inveterate weakness which it betokens. The result of this appeal to the people by ministers can hardly be doubted in the present state of public feeling; and ministers had no other resource but that, or resignation.

The state of Ireland is, at this moment, a cause of serious apprehension. Outrages are perpetrated there daily; and fears are entertained that recourse must be had to rigid measures for repressing these disorders. The new parliament will have no light task to execute on its meeting; and the condition of that country it will be a question of paramount duty to consider.

The state of Europe, the victories of the Poles, and the occupation of Italy by the Austrians, we have not room to comment upon this month; having, as in duty bound, begun at home. We trust that the Polish commander will not venture too far, and suffer his barbarian enemies to cut him off, by interposing between him and Warsaw. Thus far the cause of freedom and humanity has been triumphant. Europe can only look to France for the salvation of Italy. Austria will soon hold that country as a province, from the Tyrol to Sparti Vento, if she be suffered to act agreeably to her own wishes. have one hope, that her hatred of Russia may induce her to favor the Poles, or at least, to preserve a perfect neutrality. It would be too much to expect, with her natural detestation of freedom, that she would ever do more. An interesting paper on Poland will be found in another part of our number.

We

The French are about bringing the tyrant of Portugal to account. We trust they will do so without delay. Their honor is pledged to force from the wretch full and ample satisfaction for the insults which have been offered by him to French citizens and to France.

J.

THE LORD CHANCELLOR'S LEVEE.

UNFEIGNED respect for, and a slight personal acquaintance with, the noble person who now holds the Seals, led me to attend his last levee. This could not be done without some inconvenience; and, not the least of it, was the necessity of being equipped in full court apparel. I do not object to this dress-indeed I much approve of it in those who mingle in the gorgeousness of courts; but plainer attire would have more befitted the taste of an humble incognito. I mention this fact, lest it might be supposed that I was guilty of the not improbable gothicism of appearing in a garb fit for the funeral, but not the levee of a Lord Chancellor. The practice of receiving the respects of the public on one or two stated occasions is sufficiently ancient, but I have understood was discontinued, or not much observed, in the latter days of Lord Eldon. It was revived with somewhat greater splendor by Lord Lyndhurst, but still it attracted little public notice. His lordship never secured any very considerable share of general favor. As a lawyer he was not at the head, though amongst the chief of his profession. For my own part, I do not regard his secondary eminence in the law as detracting much from his eminence as a public character, when it is recollected that Brougham himself ranked much below Gurney, Pollock, Campbell, and several others, whose distinction is derived from law alone-the lowest basis on which the fame of a public man can rest. In politics his career had not been such as to command respect. He was uniformly the supporter of the most profitable opinion. In early life a flagrant whig, as opening up the best field for talent; in a more advanced stage, the bitter enemy of the Catholics, so long as the star of Lord Eldon, the great dispenser of legal favor, was on the ascendant; and finally, when office had secured him, the advocate of the Catholics on what was called the constitutional ground, when all favor was in the giving of the Duke of Wellington.

It is not remarkable that the levees of Lord Lyndhurst should have passed off in quietness. I do not remember to have heard that the ceremonial was observed by his lordship, although from the known display of this fashionable lawyer there is no doubt that it was not neglected. If, however, his levees had been attended by the magnificent, it is equally certain that the fact must have attracted public notoriety. I incline to think that it was reserved for Brougham to illustrate the ancient custom, by the splendor of those who chose to be dutiful to the Lord Chancellor. The fashion of going to court is such, that it infers little personal respect to the individual monarch; but the practice of attending the levee of an inferior personage is to be ascribed to the respect which individual eminence commands. When Lord Brougham announced his levees, it could not be known whether he should receive the homage of the aristocracy, to whom it was not supposed that his Lordship's politics were very amicable. It was, moreover, thought that the republican, or, to speak more guardedly, the whig Lord Chancellor would care little for a custom in which there was no manifest utility. He had declared that the gewgaws of office delighted him not; and I dare say he would fain bring his mind to believe that all ceremonial was idle, perhaps contemptible. But it is the greatest mistake to suppose that Lord May, 1831.-VOL. I. NO. I.

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