same in Stationers'-hall. There were existing acts of parliament, by which those who wished to se cure to themselves the exclusive right to the property of their works, could do so by entering the same in Stationers'-hall, and furnishing a certain number of copies to the universities, &c. There were other acts which seemed only to apply to the penalties to which booksellers and authors would be entitled on condition of furnishing such copies, but by which, if the penalties were not sought to be enforced, the universities did not seem to be secured in their copies. By a recent decision, it had been held that the universities were entitled to those copies, whether the proprietors of the works chose to enter them in Stationers'-hall or not. The book sellers thought this was a hardship upon them, and that there were certain points relating to it, in respect of which they were entitled to relief. 1st, They were required to furnish copies of each work printed on paper of the very best quality. Now, there were some books of which a few copies were printed in a splendid manner and upon the very best paper. This regulation, however, they thought would he sufficiently satisfied by copies on less splendid paper. Another thing to which they objected was the furnishing copies of new editions, with trifling additions, which they thought might be sufficiently satisfied by furnishing the additions alone. Another objectionable point was where there were reprints of ancient works, or where only a few copies were sold. To illustrate this last, he alluded to the "Flora Græca" of Dr. Sibthorpe, of which only 34 or 35 copies liad been sold in the whole of Europe. If to be Compelled to give away 11 copies

of such a work as this, must it not be esteemed a very great burden indeed? The honourable member undertook the making of the present motion, not as a partisan of the booksellers, being himself much attached to the university of Oxford, where he had spent four or five of the happiest years of his life. All he desired was, to fall on what might be esteemed the best plan of promoting the interests of learning. He should, therefore, propose that a committee be appointed, to consist of 21 members, to take into consideration the state of the laws on the subject, and to report to the house their opinions and observations thereon.

Mr. Rose agreed that some mode must be fallen on to secure their copies to the universities, without too much trespassing on the property of authors and booksellers.

Mr. C. W. Wynne, much as he respected the universities, would rather see them supported by the public than made a burden on authors, which he conceived the depositing of copies of every book to be. This too was a tax only on authors of merit; for the universities did not think it worth their while to claim all the trash that issues from the daily press; but only meant to impose this tax as a reward for superior learning and ability.

Lord A. Hamilton thought the only inconvenience arising from the practice of depositing copies of all publications in the universities, &c. would be, to create a small additional charge on the price; which would affect the bookseller rather than the author.

Mr. J. H. Smyth thought the object of the present application was to get rid of the obligation imposed by the act of queen Anne, and to retain the benefit conferred

by

by it. His honourable and learned friend (Mr. Wynne) called the re gulation álluded to, a tax on authors: it was incumbent, however, on those who thus characterized it, to show that its evils were less than its advantages. No author, he was convinced, would object to such a distribution of his work, if its effect would be to show it to thousands of eyes which would never otherwise see it, in which same proportion his own celebrity would be increased. As to the idea of works printed on fine wire-wove paper not being subjected to the operation of the act, he thought those were exactly the works on which, more peculiarly, such a burden ought to fall. The time for allowing to authors a property in their works, he thought ought to be enlarged; and also, that an alteration should be made in the act of the 42d George III. by which the works to be furnished to the Irish libraries were limited to those actually entered at Stationers'-hall.

Mr. J. P. Grant, though connected with one of the great bodies affected by the regulations in question, declared that he had no private feeling on the subject; on the contrary, he was certain that the body to which he belonged would be happy to meet the question liberally, and that the only object was the advancement of learning.

Sir S. Romilly said, the honourable gentleman who spoke last but one was under a great mistake, when he stated that the object of

the

present application was to get rid of the obligations of the act of queen Anne, and to retain the benefits of it. No man could do so without depositing 11 copies of his book: and by the late decision, though a man did not claim any exclusive benefit under the act, still

he must give the 11 copies. There was another mistake under which the honourable gentleman laboured, in supposing that the act of queen Anne conferred a benefit on authors: no such thing. Before the passing of that act, authors had the exclusive property in their works; and the act in question went to limit that right to 14 years in the first instance, and to another period of 14 years if the author should be alive at the expiry of the first period. The only privileges con ferred by this act, which authors did not before enjoy, went to some penalties which were immaterial, It was extremely desirous that every encouragement should be given to the public libraries; but was it necessary that this should be done by a tax upon learning? This was said to be a tax not on authors but on booksellers. Was it not, however, a tax on authors wherever they kept their works in their own hands? As the case now stood, no doubt the privilege was absurd and unequal. A man had a second period of 14 years in which he had an interest in his work, if he survived the first 14 years; but if he died before the expiry of the first period, then his executors had no further interest in the work, This was to hold out rewards only to jejune works, and to suffer works of experience and merit to go without any reward to their authors.

The motion of Mr. Giddy was then put and agreed to; and a committee appointed, containing, among others, the names of Mr. Giddy, sir W. Scott, sir J. Nicholl, lord Palmerston, Mr. Dundas, Mr. Plunkett, Mr. Rose, lord A. Hamilton, the lord advocate of Scotland, Mr. C. W. Wynne, &c. Nothing effective being done this ses sion, the subject need not to be re

ferred

ferred to again in our Parliamentary

Debates.

March 12.-When the chairman came to put the supply for sick prisoners,

Mr. Whitbread asked, whether there was any truth in the report which had appeared in the newspapers, that a late negotiation for the exchange of prisoners, proposed by France, had been broken off in consequence of the interference of a foreign power? He said, that there were at present 60,000 French prisoners in England, and he could conceive no terms of negotiation for their exchange which should not be listened to, and very few which should not be acceded to. He therefore proposed that the correspon dence relative to the late negotiation should be laid before the house.

Lord Castlereagh said, that in all such negotiations we were entitled to reasonable terms; and if we listened to any other, we should never obtain them: he therefore differed with the honourable gentleman that all terms should be accepted.

The conversation then dropped; and the resolution was put and carried.

The house was then resumed, and the report of the committee was ordered to be received on Monday.

Mr. Whitbread rose to ask, whether the manifesto of Louis XVIII. to the people of France was published with the knowledge or concurrence of ministers?

Lord Castlereagh replied that it was done without their sanction. Mr. Tierney said, he had heard that many copies of it had been sent on board of our ships for distribution on the coast of France; and asked, whether this were the fact? Lord Castlereagh made no reply; and

Mr. Whitbread added, that such a measure would do more than any

thing to unite the people of France against this country, and prolong the war.

Lord Castlereagh. "All I can say is, that his majesty's ministers disavow such a measure." "Ah! that

Mr. Whitbread. won't do."

In the house of peers lord Wellesley rose, and spoke to the following purport:-Under all the sentiments which inspire all ranks, with respect to lord Wellington, in the midst of the splendid scene which his exertions have opened, what was the circumstance which has checked his career of victorywhich, amid the very acclamations of triumph, has baffled all the hopes and all the labours for success? What was the reason why an army, of which he did not know how to use language adequate to express his own feelings, and those of the world, an army never equalled in gallant spirit, and uniting qualities which never before met in such a body, with a general, to say the least, not excelled in ancient or modern times,-the hope and glory of the great cause in which he was engaged, and the refuge of his army in all difficulties and dangers,

combining in himself all those characteristics which are usually reckoned incompatible, in a cause in which generosity and justice kept equal pace with the soundest and discreetest policy, with the eyes of all Europe and the world fixed upon our transactions,-why was it that the nation's hopes were only excited to be blasted? Why was it that expectation was raised almost to certainty, merely to be prostrated and overthrown at the very crisis of completion? Why was it that, at every period of advantage, advance was turned into retreat,—that victory, which graced the very bosom of retreat, was immediately snatch

ed

ed away, that the conquerors of Salamanca were pursued by the conquered over the fields of their former glory, and the solid principles of vigorous offence sunk at once into retreat and defence? These were circumstances which required the severest consideration and investigation from their lordships. Were they the result of the weakness of the empire, of the failure of its resources? Was the imbecility in the thunderbolt, or in the hand that wielded it? Had the powers of the country been inadequate to support the great and proud attitude which she had assumed, or was the want of success to be traced to those who administered the resources of the nation? If their lordships saw any ground to believe that the failure lay, not in the empire, but in the administration of it, what ought to be pronounced on the conduct of those who had enfeebled its means, and betrayed a mighty cause? If, on the other hand, the effort made had been complete, and England had done her utmost,-all that a patriot, zealous for his country's glory and the welfare of mankind, could devise,-all that a nation, inspired, as this has been, with the noblest motives of generosity and justice, could execute,-if, in spite of all these exertions, England has not been able to advance one step nearer to her object, then let it be considered whether she should not retrace her steps, and correct, though late, her errors. Which ever view was taken of this important subject, the fullest investigation was required. He did not impute to ministers any want of feeling as to the magnitude of the cause, which concerned all the civilized world; but he wished to inquire whether, on a comparison of the means of the country with its exer

tions, its resources had been ades quately administered? When any individuals held themselves out to the country as fit to manage an ar duous contest, they should, it might be thought, be equal to meet, not only obvious and probable dangers, but also unexpected and unforeseen difficulties. But, perhaps, even the most moderate persons would require that ministers, proceeding by gradual steps through a known path, with signs and beacons to guide and confirm them,-acting not unexpectedly, but in a established cause, and in possession of the means destined by providence, and settled by experience, for the accomplishment of the desired end, -should be equal to the crisis which came upon them, and that a system of acknowledged policy. should regularly proceed by adequate causes to adequate ends. He would recur to the state of affairs at an early period of this important struggle. It soon became a question, whether, by securing Portugal, we were not likely to establish a system which might effectuate the salvation of Europe,-operating as an admonition to those who wanted admonition, and as an incitement to those who wanted spirit? For it was most true, that there was no people so degraded and spiritless, -no nation over which a bad government had so spread its baleful wings,-that could not, if roused to a sense of its strength, and of the glory of independence, furnish men willing and capable of correcting whatever is erroneous and mischievous in its government. This seemed the natural course of things:

but there were others, and one in particular, whose opinions disagreed. with his own, but whose person and character he now and always regarded with love and veneration. To these it seemed better to wait

the

the event of circumstances in other places. But his own decided opinion, his own firm belief and conviction, expressed in that house, in the cabinet, out of the house, everywhere, had always been, that the great hope of Europe lay in the exertions of Spain and Portugal, aided by the British arms; and that this was the only scheme to restore affairs, not only in Europe, but in the world. There were at that time favourable circumstances which influenced his opinion. [Here his lordship gave a detailed account of the plans of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, and spoke with strong indignation of the government at home for not seconding with all their might our once victorious armies in Spain, but who for want of proper supplies were obliged to measure back almost all their steps.] As to the moral impression, he said, of all others the most important, what was to be conceived more terrifying to the people, more subversive of the popular respect, more exhausting to the popular spirit, than to see us thus alternately advancing and retreating, with so little space between, that it was almost one movement? "To-day," said the noble lord, "they see us driving the French before us; to-morrow, the French driving us before them; and all their demonstrations of joy, and natural gratitude, and patriotic pride, visited by bitter and angry vengeance. I fear that this system will engender, if it has not already engendered, a feeling of all others the most to be dreaded in such a cause and in a quarter of all others to be kept the most untouched, the noble and ardent mind of the lower orders of Spain. This system of bustling beginnings and feeble results, of lofty promises and sad disappointments, must, of all others,

were re

harass and alienate the public heart. Must they not say, What have you brought to us but increased sufferings? We felt the yoke of France, we felt its griev ousness; but patience helped us to make it lighter, we were accustomed to it, we endured it: but then you came, and we lieved from it for a moment, only to find the pressure come upon us with a keener and more crushing violence. I fear, I strongly fear, from what I have known, and what I have heard, that our folly has gone far to depress a living and vigorous spirit, whose life and vigour may be of the highest import, not merely to Spain, not merely to England, but to Europe,-but to the whole world." What must (said lord Wellesley) be the feelings of the people when, after our success, they see the enemy quietly taking up his quarters in the heart of the country, with its richest resources at his mercy; and after retreating, and being defeated, pursuing us across the frontier, and seating himself in the capital? What must be their feeling on the sight which our retreating troops afforded? the disorder, the loss of discipline, the loss of character! On this subject the public were already sufficiently informed. The source of their information was only a new proof of the loftiness and candour of heart of their commander, who looked for no popularity, stooped to no arts that were inconsistent with the plainness of a great mind zealous only for the good of his country. The letter of that general distinctly stated the disorders which had arisen on the retreat, and the danger which must arise in future operations from their repetition. The difficulties of the movement were, however, to be considered. It was known to all men that had experience of military proceedings