house, in order to secure to the marquis of Wellington, and the successors to his dignities, an adequate provision. His lordship concluded by moving an address concurring in the object of his royal highness's message, which was agreed to; as was a similar motion on the same day in the house of commons.

Dec. 10.-Lord Folkestone, in the house of commons, rose in pursuance of notice, to call the attention of parliament as early as possible to a subject of undoubted magnitude. He should not have delayed even thus long, had he not been requested by a noble lord, who he hoped would not take advantage of the absence of some supporters of the motion-an absence occasioned by its previous postpone ment. During the last session of the late parliament, he (lord F.) had adverted more than once to the infraction of the law of the country, by the introduction of foreign officers into the British corps; and a return upon the subject being universally called for, it was laid upon the table. Upon examination, however, it was found very defective, inasmuch as it only stated the number of foreign officers employed in that small portion of the native British force then within the three kingdoms, omitting all those upon foreign service. One object, therefore, was to remedy this error, by suggesting that a return be made of all the foreign officers at present employed in the British army, properly so called. Another motion would be for a return of the number of foreigners who have received staff appointments, and a third for a return of the number of officers of the 60th regiment of infantry appointed to the staff, who by law were expressly excluded from that situation. His main design, how

ever, was to draw the notice of the house to an order respecting the king's German legion, inserted in the Gazette of the 18th of August last. It was as follows: "In con sideration of the king's German legion having so frequently distinguished themselves against the enemy during the campaign, but particularly at the battle of Salamanca, his royal highness the prince regent, acting in the name and on behalf of his majesty, has been pleased to order, that those officers now serving with temporary rank in the several regiments of that corps shall have permanent rank in the British army, from the dates of their respective commissions." His lordship thought that this order could be understood only in one way, that which the words plainly imported; and so comprehending it, it appeared to be an attempt to introduce foreign German officers, permanently, or as long as they should live, into the British army; the German legion having been enrolled as a temporary corps. He would therefore, in the first instance, move, that a humble address be presented to the prince regent, pray. ing him to lay before the house copies of all orders issued from the war-office respecting the rank of officers serving in the king's German legion.

Lord Palmerstone denied most pointedly that the instrument in the Gazette interfered with the officers of British regiments, and insisted that the scale of promotion in the German legion had always been the same, not allowing that young officers entitled to brevet rank should pass those of older standing who had not the same advantage. The noble lord opposite might perhaps ask, for what purpose the order was required?. It was to be

stow

stow a well merited compliment on a body of men who had always been distinguished for gallantry and discipline: as far as related to the rank they were to bear (though not to the emolument they were to receive), it converted temporary into permanent service. What they acquired was honour-the end and aim of a soldier; that for which he fights and dies. To the German legion such a reward was not and could not be deemed a

trifle; it was in truth most gratifying to their feelings, and welcome to their ambition. Looking at the present state of the world, and viewing the countless hosts that were arrayed against Britain singlehanded, it seemed to lord Palmerstone the height of absurdity to make such an objection as that of the noble lord. Because our haying swept the seas of our enemies, and because our small but gallant armies had hitherto stood undaunted and unbroken before the overwhelming forces of France and all her dependent states, was it to be urged that we were, unaided and unsupported, capable for ever of sustaining so unequal a contest? That our foreign corps, and particularly the German legion, merited all the rewards that could be bestowed upon them, no man, let him belong to what party he might, would deny. To the return first noticed by the noble lord, of the foreign officers employed in our whole military force, lord Palmerstone had no objection: but the document last required he should resist with his utmost power; and he trusted that the house, in giving its negative to the motion, would, by implication at least, give its approbation to the employment of foreigners in our armies, and its sanction to the general system on

which the war had been con ducted.

Lord Milton strongly deprecated the employment of foreign officers in the manner in which he under stood they had in some instances been, namely, in the command of English districts; and he apprehended that by the order under consideration, as it had been explained by the secretary at war, those officers might be so employed. Of this he highly disapproved; for while he felt it necessary to guard himself against the imputation of vulgar prejudices, he must protest against the appointment of any foreigner whatever to such commands as he had alluded to; and he could make no such exception in favour of Hanoverians, as some persons affected to desire; for these men were not, and never had been, the subjects of the king of England, connected with the head of our government.

General Stewart bore testimony to the gallantry of the German legion, whose services he had witnessed on various occasions in the peninsula. Indeed, so highly did lord Wellington think of the fidelity and valour of that body, that he did not hesitate to confide the direction of one of the most valuable corps of his army, namely, the light division, to a German officer (general Alten). Why, then, after such a proof of well-merited confidence in real service, should it be deemed unsafe to commit an English district to the command of a German? Why, while those meritorious officers were intrusted with the command of an army abroad in the midst of war, should they be thought unfit or unworthy to take the command of our army at home? He fully believed, that upon the continent there was but

one feeling among the British army upon this subject, and as to the general merits of the German legion. But let those who saw them not in service look at the gazettes for an account of the conduct of these deserving foreigners, and they would be found to have eminently signalized themselves upon all occasions. He himself had the honour of com manding a German corps, namely, the first hussars, under the immediate command of colonel Aranshield, and a more gallant or more effective body of men he had never met with. But the conduct of the German corps at Salamanca was the subject of universal praise. The honourable officer concluded with asking pardon of the house for trespassing upon its attention; but he felt it due to truth and justice to bear his testimony to the conduct of a too often misrepresented, although highly meritorious corps.

Mr. Whitbread paid a compliment to the generous and liberal sentiments expressed by a gallant general (Stewart) on the eminent services and distinguished bravery of the German troops employed in Spain. The mutual enthusiasm and unlimited confidence excited in the officers of the army by the exploits of others serving with them, ought, however, to increase instead of lessening the jealousy with which we ought to guard against the incorporation of foreign troops with our own. This was not a military question, nor one in which we were to appeal to the sentiments of the army: it was a constitutional question, on which the members of that house were to decide, as the guardians of the rights and civil liberties of the country.

The motion was negatived without a division.

Returns of the number of foreign

officers serving in our army, and in the 60th regiment of foot, and of the nature and date of their several appointments, were then moved for and granted. Their names only were withheld, on the ground stated by lord Castlereagh, that their being brought forward might be injurious to their relations or connexions abroad.

Dec. 17.-The chancellor of the exchequer brought up the following message from the prince regent:

"G. P. R.-The prince regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, having taken into his serious consideration the accounts which he has received of the severe distresses to which the inhabitants of a part of the empire of Russia have been exposed in their persons and property, in consequence of the unprovoked and atrocious invasion of that country by the ruler of France, and the exemplary and extraordinary magnanimity and fortitude with which they have submitted to the greatest privations and sufferings in defence of their country, and the ardent loy. alty and unconquerable spirit they have displayed in its cause, whereby results have been produced of the utmost importance to the interests of this kingdom and to the general cause of Europe, recommends to the house of commons to enable his royal highness, in aid of the contributions which have commenced within the Russian empire for this purpose, to afford to the suffering subjects of his majesty's good and great ally the emperor of Russia, such speedy and effectual relief as may be suitable to this most interesting occasion."

The chancellor of the exchequer then moved, "That the message of his royal highness be referred to the committee of supply."

On

On the question being put, Mr. Whitbread rose and said, that, in the message which had been just read from the chair some positions were laid down to which he felt that he could by no means assent, as he thought it would be far more becoming in the house to vote some relief for the suffering inhabitants of this country, than for those under the dominion of the emperor of Russia. There was no instance, perhaps, in which the application of the old adage was more obvious than here; for the distresses of our countrymen were such, he thought, as should restrict our benevolence until there was no longer an occasion for it at home. This was not the time for enlarging on the subject; but he begged leave to lay in his claim to oppose this grant tomorrow, when it would come regularly before them.

Sir Francis Burdett said, that he also felt himself imperiously called upon to dissent entirely from the object of the present message; which, under the present circumstances of the empire, he could not help considering not only as most extraordinary, but as most insulting to the people of this country.

Mr. Stephen rose with considerable animation to vindicate the motives and object of the message which had just been read to the house. He could not remain silent after the expressions which had fallen from the honourable baronet, when the house of commons was asked to alleviate by its generosity the sufferings of that magnanimous people, by whose wounds and exertions the safety of this country had been doubly assured. Such a grant as that now proposed would be a trophy erected to humanity, liberality, and sound policy. But he could easily conceive how those

persons who regarded the destruction of Moscow as an act of unfeeling selfishness, rather than as a proof of national devotion and exalted patriotism, should also be prepared to think our money or our applauses ill bestowed on those who had redeemed the destinies of Europe. For his, part, however, he was disposed to consider the heroic self-devotion which had been displayed on this occasion (for he was loth to deprive the gallant people of Russia of the praise of having set fire to Moscow) as on a par with the glories of Saguntum, Numantia, or, in more modern days, with the immortal fame of Saragossa. Sure he was, that at the present most important crisis the minds of all Europe were so intent on the exploits, the firmness, and magnanimity of the Russian people, that their great example must be attended with the most beneficial effects to the safety and happiness of the civilized world. After what had fallen on a former occasion from the honourable baronet, in commiseration of the sufferings of the people of Moscow from the destruction of their capital, he was sure he must be doing great injustice to his tenderness and humanity, in offering any opposition to the present grant. He, however, hoped that the house would concur in manifesting to the Russian nation the sympathy by which they were actuated; and that though this country was not without her share of distress, they would, by a spontaneous and undivided sentiment, declare their generous promp titude to alleviate the sufferings of an illustrious and patriotic people.

Mr. Ponsonby said, that though this message had come upon him without any previous intimation, he at the same time was by no means

inclined

inclined to express any opinion decidedly in opposition to it. His mind was not yet made up as to what course he should feel it his duty to pursue.

The motion was agreed to, as was a similar one in the house of peers. In the latter, when the subject was again discussed, an address of approbation moved by the earl of Liverpool was una nimously passed, and a grant of 200,0007. was made to the suffering inhabitants of Russia.

Dec. 18. The house of commons resolved itself into a committee of supply, to which the message of the prince regent was referred; upon

which

Mr. Vansittart said, that had not some honourable members last night given intimations of their intention to resist the proposition he was about to submit, he should have contented himself with leaving it to the silent feeling and understanding of the house: the propriety of the measure was such, that he trusted, that even those who last night had appeared most determined in their resistance, had, on reflection, found their objections yield before its wisdom and necessity-they might with as much ease change their opinions upon the present as upon any other question regarding the conduct of hostilities against Bonaparte. It might be stated by some, that the subject was introduced by surprise, but it should be recollected that it was no less a matter of surprise to them than to ministers; the noble efforts which had more remotely induced it were indeed the wonder and admiration of the whole country. The immediate cause, however, of the motion with which he should conclude, was to be found in intelligence just obtained, on many ac

counts of a most gratifying nature: it was not thought prudent by ministers to come to a final determina. tion, until they obtained advices which accompanied the glorious news that the invader had been driven beyond the limits of the Russian empire. Thus much he felt it right to state, to explain why government had not at an earlier period called for the exercise of the liberality, he might say of the justice, of the British parliament. Now, however, the time was arrived when some step must be taken; for it would ill become the legisla ture of the country to allow its li berality to be outstripped by the generosity of the people, which would undoubtedly burst forth at public meetings held to celebrate the joyful tidings. It was the duty of parliament, not with tardy and unwilling step to follow, but with ardent zeal to lead; to set a glorious example to others, before a glorious example was set to them; to anticipate private individuals, who would seize the earliest occasion to give vent to the noble feelings that swelled within their bosoms. With regard to the amount of the sum to be voted, the house would feel that the proposition must be, in a great degree, arbitrary. No grant could be commensurate to the loss sustained by the innumerable inhabitants of a country so immense; but, on the other hand, it became the libera lity and the resources of this great nation, not to make any offer that would be unworthy of its rank and dignity. It should not be forgotten, that the Russian people were suffering not less in our cause than their own: he said, in our cause; for, during the mighty struggle in which they had been engaged, and in consequence of which they were

enduring,