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BRITISH AND FOREIGN

HISTORY

For the Year 1813.

CHAPTER I.

Introduction-Forms used in assembling the new Parliament-Choice of a Speaker-Abridgement of the Prince Regent's Speech-Debate on Lord Longford's Motion of an Address on the Prince's Speech-Debate on Lord Clive's Motion on the same Subject-Mr. Creevey's Motion, on the Report of the Address being brought up-Motions of Thanks to Lord Wellington in both Houses-Motion for a Monument to General Le Marchant-Motion relative to the Gold Coin-Debate on Lord Folkestone's Motion on the German Legion-Prince Regent's Message for pecuniary Aid to the Russians, and Debates thereon-Petitions presented by Sir Francis Burdett from

Prisoners in Ilchester Gaol.

to our usual established forms of the

custom, we commence our year in this department of the New Annual Register from the beginning of the session of parliament, which, in the present instance, is from the assembling of the new parliament on the 24th of November 1812. By this means we not only follow the usual routine of public business, but are enabled to give in a more collected form whatever relates to parliamentary discussion, than could possibly be done by dividing the business of a single session into two distinct volumes. The truth is, that accord

constitution, all the acts of one session of parliament taken together make but one statute: since then the business of each session is indivisible, it would not comport with a work professing to give a register of that business to separate it into volumes that should be read at intervals of twelve months.

On Tuesday the 24th of November, certain noble lords having, in obedience to the prince regent's proclamation, assembled in the upper house, the dukes of York and Cumberland, with the lord chancellor, the earls of Liverpool and Westmoreland,

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moreland, took their seats as commissioners, and requested the attendance of such members of the commons who had been previously sworn in, and the commission was read. After this the lord chancellor, in the name of the regent, directed the commons to proceed to their own chamber and choose a speaker forthwith. They accordingly retired, and sir John Nichol, in a speech descriptive of the qualifications and talents necessary for a person to hold the office of speaker, and which he observed would be immediately recognised as attached to that right honourable individual who had already presided over their proceedings during four parliaments, concluded by moving, that the right honourable C. Abbot do take the chair; which was agreed to with the most cordial unanimity. Mr. Abbot was conducted to the chair, and the house immediately adjourned till the next day.

On the 25th the choice of the house of commons of a speaker being announced to the lords commissioners, in their places, by Mr. Abbot himself, and the chancellor having in the name of the regent given it the royal approbation, the usual privileges, viz. freedom of speech in debate ;-freedom from arrest for their persons and their servants; free access to his majesty whenever the occasion might require; and that the most favour. able construction might be put on all their acts, were claimed by the speaker in behalf of the commons, and granted. The commons again retired to their chamber, and were occupied the remainder of that and the two following days in swearing in members. An adjournment then took place till the 30th, when his royal highness the prince regent came to the house of peers,

attended by the great officers of state; and having sent for the commons, he ascended the royal throne, and delivered from thence a speech, a copy of which will be found among the Public Papers. The leading points of this speech are as follow: After referring to the continuance of his majesty's la mented indisposition, and the di minished hopes of his recovery, his royal highness adverted to the suc cesses in the peninsula under the conduct of lord Wellington, and their final good effects, notwithstanding the retreat from Burgos and the evacuation of Madrid, which he said had been submitted to "for the purpose of concentrating the main body of the allied forces." He was confident he could rely on the determination of parliament to continue to afford every aid that might be necessary in support of the important contest, which had given to Europe the example of persevering and successful resistance to the power of France. He then mentioned the restoration of peace and friendship with the courts of Petersburgh and Stockholm, and spoke in high terms of praise of the resistance made by Russia to the arms of their invaders: "the enthusiasm," says he, "of the Russian nation has increas. ed with the difficulties of the contest, and with the dangers with which they were surrounded. They have submitted to sacrifices of which there are few examples in the history of the world; and I indulge the hope, that the determined perseverance of his imperial ma, jesty will be crowned with ultimate success; and that this contest, in its result, will have the effect of establishing upon a foundation never to be shaken, the security and independence of the Russian

empire,"

empire." He informed parliament of a treaty entered into with his Sicilian majesty; and with respect to the declaration of war by America he observed, that it was made under circumstances which might have afforded a reasonable expectation that the amicable relations between the two countries would not be long interrupted; but that the conduct and pretensions of that government had hitherto prevented any arrangement for the purpose. His royal highness took notice of the defeat of the attempts against Canada, and said that his efforts were still directed to the restoration of peace. The conclusion of the speech recommended an early consideration of a provision for the government of India, in consequence of the approaching expiration of the charter of the East India com pany. His royal highness next adverted to the success of the means employed for suppressing the spirit of outrage and insubordination which had appeared in some parts of the country, and expressed a hope that atrocities so repugnant to the British character would never recur; and ended as usual with a declaration of confidence in the wisdom of parliament, and the loyalty of the people.

When the speech had been read the commons withdrew, and the earl of Longford rose to move an address of thanks, In the course of his speech, he paid high compliments to the talents and skill of lord Wellington, and then went through the several topics that had been descanted upon from the throne. He admitted at the close that we must necessarily endure privations, and make sacrifices, in order to keep up the contest in which we were engaged; but far better was it to do that, than to yield to an enemy

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whose projects aimed at nothing less than our destruction. These projects had now been in a great measure counteracted, and perseverance on our part was demanded by every consideration of our honour, our interest, and our welfare. Those privations, and those sacrifices, were as nothing, compared with the situation of those countries ravaged by an enemy's army, or when made the seat of war by two conflicting armies. He would not now advert to the predictions of some members of that house, that no man of our army would remain in the peninsula, except as a prisoner; he need only refer to the events that had occurred, to show the futility of these predictions, and the reliance that was to be placed upon the skill and ability of our general, to dissipate any seeming difficulties, and finally to counteract the projects of the enemy. regard to the United States of America, the declaration of war on their part had been made under circumstances which led to a hope that the differences between the two nations might be speedily and satisfactorily adjusted. They had however since evinced a determination to attack the British possessions in North America, but in two attempts had been completely defeated. He admitted that a loss had been sustain. ed in the capture of one of our fri. gates, but it was a loss which, in itself of litttle importance, had de rived all the importance attached to it from the rarity, thank God! of any naval loss on our part. The circumstance, however, might be attributed to the expectation that the war would not be persisted in by the United States, and therefore that a force was not sent out thither which might have been, had it been supposed that the war would A 3

have

have been continued. He trusted, however, that conciliation might still speedily take place without compromising our interests; or, if that unfortunately could not take place, that the war would be carried on with adequate vigour. His lordship concluded by moving an address, embracing, as usual, the different topics of the speech.

Lord Rolle rose to second the motion,

The marquis Wellesley said, he could not have approved either of the speech, or of the address, had they, with respect to the great contest in the peninsula, or the cause in which the emperor of Russia was now engaged, with all the efforts of the people, assumed in any degree a lower tone than that which pervaded them. Nothing less was demanded by the great interests of the country, by a proper zeal for our honour or our welfare, or by a true regard to the interests of our allies embarked in the same great cause with ourselves. In all those points he not only applauded the spirit of the speech, but he almost entirely approved of the general spirit of the address moved and seconded by his noble friends. Of all the parts of the speech, however, none struck him more forcibly, none made a greater impression upon his mind, than that which anticipated the same wisdom in parliament, the same firmness, and the same prudence, on the present trying occasion, when the eyes of all Europe, nay, of the whole world, were fixed upon us. There was nothing novel, he admitted, either in the subjects, or the expressions: the novelty was rather in the application of them. Yes: he hadno doubt the parlia ment would exercise the same wisdom, it would exercise the same perseverance, it would display the

same firmness, especially on the great question of the war in the peninsula, as it had hitherto shown. It was to that country in particular he wished to direct their lordships' attention for a few moments. Here his lordship went into a most elaborate and luminous detail of the events of the last campaign; and then he said, with regard to what was to be the object of the war in Spain, three schemes had been suc cessively devised; two were only talked of, and the third was practised. The first was grounded on an idea that it would be imprudent to embark as a principal in the contest, unless some other power, by its co-operation, converted the forces of France from being all concentrated towards that one object-the subjugation of Spain. From that he had always differed upon principle, but this fact was at least deducible from it-that our resources were thought insufficient to carry on the war upon an adequate scale, and that we must therefore await a more favourable opportunity. His view of it had been, that we should engage as principals, and that, in order to afford a chance of diversion in other parts of Europe, it was necessary to urge the Spanish war with vigour and effect. The second plan was, that it would be prudent and highly expedient to make exertions upon a large scale, adequate to the destruction of the French power in Spain. Both those plans were different in their principles, and yet both were consistent upon their own principles. If our resources were really not adequate, then the first plan was very just and proper: but if, as he stated, they were adequate to extensive operations, then the second plan was obviously the fittest to adopt. But the plan of all others, which all man

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