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æternitate intra divinam essentiam Pater cum Filio spirat, sed animam in tempore extra suam essentiam creatain homini inspiravit.

* Luther taught traducianism, followed by most of the Lutheran divines, with the exception of Calixt, De Animæ Creatione. Gerhard very properly left it to philosophers (ix. 8, $ 118,) to define the modus propagationis; but he himself taught $ 116.... Animas eorum, qui ex Adamo et Eva progeniti fuissent, non creatas, neque etiam generatas, sed propagatas fuisse. Similar views were expressed by Calov, žr. 1081, and Hollaz, i. 5. qu. 9 (pp. 414, 415); Anima humana hodie non inmediate creatur, sed mediante semine fæcundo a parentibus generatur et in liberos traducitur. . . . Non generatur anima er traduce, sine semine fæcundo, tamquam principio materiali, sed per traducem, seu mediante semine prolifico tamquam vehiculo, propagatur.—Comp. the Consensus Repetitus Fidei veræ Luth., Punct. 22 (in Henke, p. 18): Profitemur et docemus, hominem generare hominem, idque non tantum quoad corpus, sed etiam animam. Rejicimus eos, qui docent, in hominibus singulis animas singulas non ex propagine oriri, sed ex nihilo tunc primum creari atque infundi, cum in uteris matrum fætus concepti atque ad animationem præparati sunt.On the contrary, Bellarmine, Calvin, and the theologians of the Reformed Church in general, advocated the theory of Creationism, retaining at the same time the doctrine of original sin. Calvin, indeed, did not attach so much importance to such statements as the earlier scholastics (Instit. II. 1, 7): Neque ad ejus rei intelligentiam necessaria est anxia disputatio, quæ veteres non parum torsit; but he continued as follows : Neque in substantia carnis aut animæ causam habet contagio ; sed quia a Deo ita fuit ordinatum. Beza rejects traducianism in the most decided manner, Qu. 47: Doctrina de animæ traduce mihi perabsurda videtur, quoniam aut totam animam aut partem ejus traduci oporteret.-Comp. Peter Martyr, Thesis 705: Animæ non sunt omnes simul creatæ ab initio, sed creantur quotidie a Deo corporibus inserendæ.--Polanus, p. 2183 : Eodem momento Deus creat animam simul et unit corpori infecto.--Bucanus, p. 92: Quod totum genus humanum ab Adamo corruptum est, non tam ex genitura provenit.... quam ex justa Dei vindicta. Other passages are quoted by De Wette, Dogmatik, p. 89. Schweizer, i. 452, sq.

• The fall of our first parents was called peccatum originans, in distinction from original sin (peccatum originale, originatum). The causa externa, prima et principalis, was Satan, the causa instrumentalis was the serpent, by which we are to understand a real serpent possessed with the devil. Gerhard, Loc. x. & 8, p. 295, endeavors to reconcile the too literal interpretation of Josephus (Antiq. 3 [1]), with the allegorising exposition of Philo (De Mundi Opif. f. 46) by saying: Nos nec nudum, nec mere allegoricum, sed diabolo obsessum ac stipatum serpentem hic describi statuimus. (He proves this at some length from the twofold nature of the serpent, and the curse pronounced upon the devil no less than upon the serpent.) Compare the passages from other theologians in De Wette, p. 94, and in Hase, Hutterus Redivivus, p. 202.—The Reformed theologians entered into similar investigations. This was the case, e. g. with Heidegger, x. 10. In ch. 14, he describes the uebodeía tentationis satanicæ, and then proceeds in the subsequent chapters, especially ch. 18) to measure out the guilt of man, Adam's fall was not particularis, but generalis.... Non simplex, sed concatenatum peccatum fuit, et universæ legis, amoris Dei et proximi violationem involvit. He transgressed the laws both of the first and second table. His guilt was considerably increased, partly because, having received so many blessings from the hand of God, he could have no inducement to sin, partly because the command .was in itself easy to be complied with. Other circumstances also, such as time and place (i. e. his recent creation and his abode in paradise), added to his guilt, as well as his high office in his capacity as the father of the human race. Accedit, quod (peccatum Adæ) radix fuit omnium peccatorum et velut equiis Trojanus, ex cujus utero et iliis innumera peccata omniumque malorum Ilias prodierunt, ut gravissimum hoc peccatum et apostasiam a Deo vivente fuisse, dubitari nullo modo possit. In ch. 19, he examines (after the example of the scholastics) the question, whether Adam had the greater guilt, or Eve? which he thus decides: Nobis Scriptura utcunque innuere videtur, gravius peccasse Adamum, cum non tam Evæ, quam Adami peccatum accuset (Rom. v. 12; 1 Cor. xv. 22). In ch. 20 he treats of the share which God had in the fall : Nec Deus spectator otiosus fuit. Nam ante peccatum tum lege illud vetuit, tum comminatione ab eo hominem deterruit. In peccato et explorationis causa hominem sibi reliquit, et patrato jam ab Eva peccato, oculos ejusdem ad agnoscendam nuditatem prius pon aperuit, quam Adam etiam peccasset. Post illud immediate judicium in peccatores exercuit. ...et in remedium peccati Christum poKEXELPOrovnuévov revelavit. Nevertheless he modestly adds : In modo, quem divina providentia circa peccatum adhibuit explicando cogitationes et lingnæ nostræ ita frænandæ sunt, ut cogitemus semper Deum in cælo esse, nos in terra, eum fabricatorem esse, nos ejus plasma. Cumque intelligere, quomodo creati simus, non valeamus, multo equidem minus intelligere possumus, quomodo facti ad imaginem Dei mutari potuerimus, ut tamen non independenter homo egerit, et Deus malum non fecerit. Comp. Gerhard, § 14, ss., $ 25: Maneat ergo firmum fixum, Deum non decrevisse nec voluisso istum protoplastorum lapsum, nec impulisse eos ad peccatum, nec eo delectatem fuisse, etc.

Gerhard, Loci, x. c. 3, ss. 8 51: Per hominem victum tota natura corrupta est et quasi fermentata peccato.—$ 52: Peccatum illud (Adami) non est modis omnibus a nobis alienum, quia Adam non ut privatus homo, sed ut caput totius humani generis peccavit; atque at natura humana per ipsum communicata fit propria cuique personæ ex ipso genitæ, sic et naturæ corruptio per propagationem communicatur. Ac proinde quemadmodum tribus Levitica inclusa lumbis Abrahæ docimas obtulisse Melchisedecho dicitur (Hebr. vii. 9), ita et nos, qui in lumbis Adæ peccantis delituimus, in et cum ipso non modo corrupti, sed et rei iræ Dei facti sumus. His views are more fully developed, c. 5.—According to Heidegger, X. 44, ss., not only the po tentiæ naturales (superiores : mens et voluntas; inferiores : sensitiva et vegetativa) are subject to corruption, but also the qualitates : conscience itself has become erring, and the bodily organs are affected by the general corruption (Matt. v. 29, 30). Concerning the nature of original sin it is said, c. 50: Neque peccatum originale merus reatus peccati alieni, neque concupiscentia sola proprie, neque nuda justitiæ carentia est. Sed late ac.

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ceptum peccati alieni imputatione, et labe omnibus facultatibus inhærente, easque tum a bono avertente, tum ad malum convertente, quam utramque distinctus reatus sequitur; stricte vero pro solo eo, quod nascentibus seu orientibus inest, labe ea facultatibus insita, quam etiam proprius reatus sequitur, constat. Cum enim peccatum pertineat ad facultates hominis, ab jis non est discedendum. Itaque cum peccatum originis non pertineat ad opera, quæ a facultatibus illis procedunt, neque est in ipsis illis, ceu spiritualis quædam lepra hæreat. For the views of other Reformed divines, see Schweizer, p. 54, 89.

defined as-illegalitas seu difformitas a lege divina, or as— defectus vel inclinatio vel actio pugnans cum lege Dei, offeudens Deum, damnata a Deo, et faciens reos æternæ iræ et æternarum pænarum, nisi si facta remissio. By the contingence of sin was understood the (abstract) possibility of its being or not being, in distinction from (physical) necessity. A distinction was made between peccatum originale (habituale) and actuale ; and actual sins were further divided into peccata voluntaria et involuntaria, peccata commissionis et omissionis,* peccata interiora et exteriora, or, peccata cordis, oris et operis, etc. Comp. Gerhard, Loci, Tom. v. ab. initio. Heidegger, c. 52, ss., and other passages quoted by De Wette, 1. c.

• The views of Calixt, which he held at an early period of his life, were laid down in a collected form in his Dissertat. de Peccato (written A. D. 1611); see G. Calixti de præcipuis christianæ Religionis Capitibus Disputationes XV., ed. a F. U. Calixto, Helmst., 1658, 4, Disput. V. He combated Traducianism (comp. note 2), and deduced from it the following positions : Thes. 33: Quare peccatum originis in nobis non est ipsa culpa a parentibus commissa, et quia culpa non est, nec est reatus, quum aperte quoque scriptum sit (Ezech. xviii. 20): Filius non portabit iniquitatem patris, si videlicet ipsa eam non adprobet aut imitetur.— Thes. 56 : Vera et sincera est sententia, quam proposuimus, quod scilicet peccatum originis non sit ipsa culpa Adæ, nec sit reatus consequens culpam, verum pravitas naturæ, non tamen sine relatione ad primam culpam, cujus est tamquam effectus immediate consequens.... Hæret itaque in nobis aliquid, et peccatum originale dicitur, quod non est ipsa illa prima Adæ prævaricatio, sed aliquid aliud ab ipsa manans. Thes. 57 : Optime autem cognoscitur ex opposita integri

. tate, quæ sicuti in intellectua erat cognitio, in voluntate amor et pronitas ad benefaciendum, in adpetitu obsequium et concordia cum superioribus facultatibus, ita pravitas hæc in intellectu est ignorantia, in voluntate pronitas ad malefaciendum, in adpetitu rebellio. Thes. 58: Et sicuti in integritate sive ad imaginem Dei conditus erat homo, ita nunc in pravitate sive ad imaginem Adæ gignitur. Thes. 59: Et sicuti homo si non peccasset, integritas naturam humanam semper et inseparabiliter consequuta fuisset, et una cum illa ad posteros propagata, ita, postquam homo peccavit, pravitas eam concomitatur et propagatur. Thes. 60: Et sicuti integritas fuisset tamquam actus primus, actus autem secundus ex illo primo natus, stadium et exercitium integritatis, ita nunc pravitas ista connata est actus primus, actus autem secundus est pravitas pravum actum producens. Thes. 93, (in which he opposes Flacius) he says: Pejor autem hærefis quam Manichæorum, adserere substantiam humanam esse peccatum, et hanc nihilominus a Deo propagari et conservari. Ita enim peccatum a Deo propagabitur et conservabitur, et Deus 0. M. auctor peccati constituetur. In Thes. 88, and in some other places, Calixt maintained (like Strigel) that original sin is an accidens.--Lakermann (who lived in Königsberg from 1644-46), a disciple of Calixt, asserted in one of his theses—quod gratia Dei ita offertur, ut, ea oblata, in hominis potestate sit, per illam ea, quæ ad conversionem et salutem necessaria sint, præstare; in another : Omnes, si velint, possunt se convertere; further : Solum peccatum originale post lapsum adæquata causa damnationis esse non potest. Such sentiments were in the opinion of Prof. Mislenta, grossly and dangerously erroneous. Thus the signal was given for a general controversy, in which Calixt himself, and his colleague Conrad Hornejus, took part. In consequence of the efforts made by Calov, the views of Calixt and his adherents were condemned (A. D. 1655) in the Consensus Repetitus Fidei veræ Lutheranæ, in which the Lutheran doctrine of original sin was set forth in the most rigid terms. Thus, in particular, Punct. 23–29 (in Henke, p. 18 sq.). For the passages see Neudecker (Fortsetzung von Münscher, ed. by Von Cölln) p. 440. On the controversy in general, comp. Planck, Geschichte der protestantischen Theologie, p. 107 ss. Gass, Georg Calixt und der Synkretismus, 1846, p. 68 ss., p. 98. [Schmid, Gesch. der Synkret. Streitigkeiten, 1846. Baur, d. Calixt. Synkretismus, in Theol. Jahrbücher, vii. Henke, Calixtus und seine Zeit, 1853–60. Gieseler, Church Hist. (New York ed.),; v.8 52.]

* There were special investigations about the Sin against the Holy Ghost, as being “tris. tissima species peccati mortalis. Gerhard, Loci Theol., V. p. 84. Quenstedt, ii. p. 80. Gass, p. 360

In the case of Spener, as in that of Luther, personal experience led him to the knowledge of sin, and moulded his views concerning its nature ; thus it happened that in his system sin and repentance are closely connected with each other. He does not wait till his views of sin become cold and indifferent, but he strikes, as it were, the iron made red-hot in the furnace of inward experience while it retains its heat. Compare his Theologische Bedenken (edit. by Hennicke), p. 33 ss.-Nor, when he published (1687) bis first treatise, in Saxony, under the title “ Natur und Gnade," was it his intention to present a theoretical contrast between nature and grace in a scientific way; but his object being practical, he adopted popular forms of statement, and did not present the antagonism in all its sharpness. See Hossbach, i. 257. But even his very zeal for sanctification was represented, and opposed, by the orthodox, as a perversion of sound doctrine.

• Both Pietism and Jansenism prove that the system of Augustine, though often charged with enfeebling the moral power of man, nevertheless produces deeper and more lasting effects than Pelagianism; and that the charge of its undermining morality and paralysing the will, cannot be admitted, at least in that universality of application in which it is commonly advanced. The motto of Jansenism here holds good: Dei servitus, vera libertas.

• Compare Pascal's Lettres Provinciales. Reuchlin, Port-Royal, p. 33, ss.

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B. THE DOCTRINE OF REDEMPTION.

§ 249.

FREEDOM AND GRACE, PREDESTINATION. (ACCORDING TO THE DIF.

FERENT CONFESSIONS.)

[Schweizer Glaubenslehre der Reform. Kirche, 1844, and Central Dogmen, 1854. Ebrard,

Das Verhältniss d. reform. Dogmatik zum Determinismus, 1849, and Schweizer, in reply, in the Tübinger Zeitschrift, 1851. Heppe, Dogmatik der evangel. Ref. Kirche, 1861. J. B. Mozley, Doctrine of Predestination, 1855; comp. Christian Remembrancer, and Dublin Review, 1856. Moses Stuart, on Calvin and Arminius, in Biblical Repository, i., 1834. Bp. Davenant, De Prædestinatione, 1630, fol. Owen's works, vols. x., xi. Julius Mühler in Studien u. Kritiken, 1856; that Calvin's doctrine had a religious, and not a speculative basis. Calvin's Prädestinationslehre, in Schaff's Kirchenfreund, 1853. Bartels, Die Prädestinationslehre in Ostfriesland (John a Lasco), in Zeitschrift f. deutsche Theologie, 1860. J. A. L. Hebart, Die Prädest. lehre d. Concordienformel, in Zeitschrift f. d. Luth. Theologie, 1861. Philippi, Luther's Lehre von d. Prädestination, in Theol. Zeitschrift, 1860.]

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Notwithstanding the many religious conflicts to which the Reformation gave rise, Christians of all denominations agreed in the general belief, that the salvation of man depends on the gracious purpose of God.'

of God.' But they differed on the questions, whether the Divine decree, which has reference to this point, is unconditional, or depends on the conduct of man, whether it is general or particular. The more rigid the views of theologians on the doctrine of original sin, and the moral inability of man, the more firmly they would maintain that the decrees of God are unconditional. Hence it is not surprising that Roman Catholics,' Arminians,' and most of all the Socinians,' endeavoured in a more or less Pelagian manner, to satisfy the claims of human freedom. On the other hand, both Lutherans and Reformed, following Augustine, rejected the notion of the freedom of the will, and denied all co-operation on the part of man. Nevertheless, it is a striking fact, that the Lutherans avoided the strict consequences of the Augustinian system, and asserted that the decrees of God are conditional ;' while the Reformed theologians not only admitted the necessity of those consequences,' but, having once determined the idea of predestination, went beyond the premises so far as to maintain, that the fall of man itself was predestinated by God (Supralapsarianism.)' But this view so far from meeting with general approbation, was at last almost entirely abandoned to make way for its opposite (Infralapsarianism).' As regards the extent of the offered grace, all the confessions, with the exception of the Reformed, held to universalism,'' in distinction from particularism ; but even all Calvinists did not on this point proceed to the same length ;" some of them adopted the stand

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