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constitutions, was so autocratic-so arbitrary and indefinite that it was not possible for him to re-establish the powers which had been cast down, and restore them to quiet and efficient working.

His first effort at statesmanship was the famous Assembly of Puritan notables, derisively know as Barebones Parliament. Two days after the dismissal of the "Rump," he published a "Declaration of the Lord General and his Council of Officers," explaining the step which he had been forced to take, and the grounds of it; and intimating that he was about to call together an assembly of "known persons, men fearing God, and of approved integrity, who should see to the settling of the Commonwealth." The manner in which this assembly was collected was sufficiently singular. The Independent ministers throughout the country were to take the sense of their congregations, and to send up to the Lord General and his officers, lists of those whom they judged "qualified to manage a trust in the ensuing government-men able, loving truth, fearing God, and hating covetousness." From these lists Cromwell and his officers in council* selected one hundred and thirty-nine representatives, and to these, summonses were sent to appear at Whitehall on the 4th of July 1653. Only two to whom summonses were sent did not appear.

No assembly, perhaps, ever essayed a more difficult task than this assembly of Puritan notables-none has ever been more vilified and ridiculed. Praise God Barebones, "the leather merchant in Fleet Street," has been historically embalmed as its symbol of contempt; and yet, as Carlyle says, with a scorn outmatching all the cavalier ridicule which has been lavished on it, "Praise New council.

God, though he deal in leather, and has a name that can be misspelt, is in every respect a worthy and good man-the son of pious parents-himself a man of piety and understanding and weight, and even of considerable private capital-my witty flunkey friend!"—as his scorn explodes in a burst. For all this, and notwithstanding Mr Carlyle (whose fealty to his hero, and admiration of his actions, nothing can move), there were plainly elements of ridicule about this assembly. The very manner in which it was collected must have brought together disproportionate and ludicrous elements-men, God-fearing and honest, it might be, with a heart to do their country good, abolish its abuses, and re-establish order and peace within its bounds, yet men also more remarkable for piety than policy— more fitted to legislate in their respective parishes than in the Parliament of England, and presenting, in the nature of the case, many external features moving to mirth rather than to respect, and to a suspicion of wide incongruity between their capacity and their aims. Such an impression has certainly stamped itself on the national mind, and perpetuated itself in an inveterate association of ridicule surrounding the Barebones Parliament."

Cromwell's speech to this assembly is the first of the now well-known series. He told them, that by reason of the "scantiness of the room and the heat of the weather" he would "contract himself;" but he spoke, nevertheless, for more than two hours. He reminded them of all the remarkable events by which, since the opening of the civil war, they had been brought to the point at which they now stood. "Those strange turnings and windings of Providence-those very great appearances of God in crossing and thwarting the pur

poses of men, that He might raise up a poor and contemptible company of men into wonderful success." He reviewed the recent conflict of the army and Parliament, and defended the course which he had taken in dissolving the latter as a necessity laid upon him for the defence of those "liberties and rights" for which he and others had fought. Necessity was his great argument, and his only valid argument. "It has come by way of necessity-by the way of the wise providence of God through weak hands," he urged. He then counselled them to tolerance in memorable words,* and to owning their call. "You have been passive in coming hither, being called. Therefore own your call! I think it may be truly said that there never was a Supreme Authority consisting of such a body, above one hundred and forty, I believe; never such a body that came into the supreme authority before under such a notion as this, in such a way of owning God, and being owned by Him." +

The assembly, among its first acts, assumed the name, insignia, and privileges of Parliament. It also manifested great activity in practical measures of reform, collection of taxes, and consolidation of the revenue; but so soon as it essayed the higher task of reforming the church and the law, it fell into interminable divisions. Opposition assailed it from all sides; and the more moderate, alarmed and wearied at the wild projects of the extreme gospel party, led by Harrison, tendered their resignation, and the assembly was broken up.

Cromwell was moved by this first legislative failure; but he took courage. He and his officers adopted more decided measures than they had yet done to strengthen * Quoted in foregoing note. + CARLYLE, ii. 211.

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his power. They met and drew up an "Instrument of Government," conferring upon him the office of Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland. This was on the 12th of December 1653; and on the 16th Cromwell was formally installed in the "Chancery Court in Westminster Hall." The ceremony was simple but impressive: he was dressed in a "rich but plain dark suit-black velvet, with cloak of the same; about his hat a broad band of gold." Mr Lochier, his chaplain, gave an exhortation. Lambert presented him, on his knees, with a civic sword, while he laid aside his own, denoting his exchange of military for civil rule.

The "Instrument of Government" by which Cromwell now ruled was in many respects a wise and liberal measure. It made provision for the calling of a new Parliament on a broader and fairer basis of representation than hitherto.* It decreed that without the sanction of Parliament no taxes could be raised, and that its laws were to have effect within twenty-one days, whether they received the assent of the Protector or not. Further, Parliament was not to be prorogued without its own consent during the first five months of its sitting; and all officers of state were to hold their appointment subject to its approval. All this sufficiently proves how eager Cromwell was to rest his power on the old forms of the constitution, liberalised in the spirit of the great conflict which had closed. He was not disposed, as afterwards he declared, on any account to abandon his cause and the position to which he had been raised, which he considered neces

*It antedated the reform of Parliament, in short, by more than a hundred and fifty years, cutting off small and "rotten" boroughs, and giving members to large and growing towns that had recently sprung up.

sary for the vindication of this cause-" he would be rolled in blood in his grave rather;" but supposing his position granted, he would far rather govern constitutionally than otherwise.

Cromwell was no sooner installed than he set himself, in conjunction with his Council, earnestly to the task of government. His most urgent and important work was to introduce some order into the confused religious influences surrounding him, whose ferment had borne him on triumphantly to power, but whose mere anarchic developments no man was less disposed to countenance, even if they had not directly provoked his hostility by their attacks upon his position. He prized Christian liberty in his heart, and freely conceded it to all peaceable citizens; but he had no hesitation in putting the rein upon men "who forgot all rules of law and nature," and made "Christ and the Spirit of God a cloak for all villany and spurious apprehensions." So he quietly checked the excesses of the Anabaptist leveller, Feak, and his colleagues;* and despatched Harrison, the head of the Fifth-monarchy men, to his home in Staffordshire. What to do, however, with the general ecclesiastical arrangements of the kingdom, was a more difficult question. Episcopacy was abolished; Presbytery had not taken its place; and great disorder and much inefficiency in the Christian ministry prevailed throughout the country. Cromwell very wisely did not attempt to set up a consistent form of church government. He did not trouble himself with the mere machinery of Christian instruction; but he determined to carry a thorough reform into the spirit and character of the instruction itself. He did not care particularly whether the * See Feak's message to him. CARLYLE, p. 234.

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