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a general satisfaction in the results of our labours. I should say that the relations between Austria and Russia had become much more amicable, those of Russia with Prussia perhaps proportionably less intimate; but this I attribute not to any essential relaxation of friendly feeling, but to the manner in which the Prussian counsels were conducted at Paris being less congenial to the Emperor of Russia's feelings than the more moderate tone of the Austrian Cabinet. All, however, appeared to separate deeply impressed with the value of their common connexion to themselves and to the world; and I trust nothing may arise to shake this impression.
With respect to the particular Court to which you are accredited, every consideration of common interest must make me partial to the conservation of its preponderance as a great Power, inasmuch as Prussia must be the basis of every system in the north of Europe to preserve Holland as an independent State, and to keep France in check; but, with all that partiality and a grateful admiration of the conduct of that nation and its armies in the war, I fairly own that I look with considerable anxiety to the tendency of their politics. There certainly, at this moment, exists a great fermentation in all orders of the State; very free notions of Government, if not principles actually revolutionary, are prevalent, and the army is by no means subordinate to the civil authorities. It is impossible to say where these impulses may stop, when they find a representative system in which they may develop themselves.
I call your attention to these circumstances, not as any motive for interference on your part, but in order to impress your mind with the importance (and especially to Prussia herself) of keeping up a good understanding amongst the adjoining States, on which these disorganizing principles have made less impression, till the internal state both of France and of the north of Germany is more assured than it can now be considered to be. To this view of European policy, I can venture to assure you, the Sovereigns themselves and their immediate Ministers are not insensible.
Your safest course at present will be to keep quiet; to cultivate the good will of your colleagues; to inspire them, as far as possible, with confidence in your Court, by making them feel that it is equally the ally of all; and, in order to do so with effect, you will avoid evincing distrust of theirs. Consistently with these suggestions, you will not neglect to cultivate suitable channels of intelligence, and to keep me accurately informed. I shall not neglect to put you in motion, when I see occasion to do so; but, in general, it is not my wish to encourage, on the part of this country, an unnecessary interference in the ordinary affairs of the Continent. The interposition of Great Britain will always be most authoritative in proportion as it is not compromised by being unduly mixed in the daily concerns of these States.
I trust you have found Prince Hardenberg return in good
health. I regret his age does not present the prospect of his
being long at the head of affairs in Prussia. I have always
found him, although warm, alive to every honourable feeling,
and incapable of long resisting an appeal to his reason upon
any question. I beg to be remembered most cordially to him,
and that you will believe me, dear sir, with great truth and
regard, very faithfully yours,
8. d. Brought forward . . 9,101,056 8 3 Applied under the above
heads. . . L8,228,811 18 2 In course of payment 715,277 15 6
8,944,089 13 8 Less than the Grant . . . . 156,966 14 7 Subsidies under the Duke of Wellington's
engagements, not specially voted, paid and in course of payment . . .1,753,242 4 6
NEGOCIATIONS RESPECTING TERRITORIAL ARRANGEMENTS BETWEEN CONTINENTAL STATES—AFFAIRS OF FRANCE, THE NETHERLANDS, SPAIN, AND NAPLES.
Sir Charles Stuart to Lord Cadlereagh.
Paris, January 1, 1816.
My dear Lord—Since I had the honour to write my private letter on Thursday, the knowledge that an intrigue, supported by the Princes, for effecting the return of M. de Blacas through their own influence, induced the Duke of Wellington to mention the subject, in the course of the various communications to M. Pozzo di Borgo and the Duke de Richelieu which have taken place upon the subject of public affairs last week.
The former appeared very sensible of the reasons which weigh in favour of the return of M. Blacas: the knowledge, however, that such a measure is not agreeable to the Emperor of Russia induced him to suggest the propriety of delay during six weeks, or till he should receive instructions from that Sovereign. The objections of M. de Richelieu are more decisive, and he does not hesitate to say that his enemies will take advantage of the outcry which has been raised against M. Blacas, to overturn the Ministry which shall venture to recommend his return. My certain knowledge that the party of the Pavilion Marsan and that of M. de Talleyrand decidedly concur in the expediency of this measure induces me to believe that the opinion of M. de Richelieu, supported, as he may be, by Russia, will not counteract the wishes his Majesty is known to entertain upon this point.
Prince Talleyrand, indeed, told me yesterday that, unless the return of M. Blacas shall give that strength and energy to the King's opinions which he considers the present circumstances render essentially necessary, he will not only declare, at the head of his friends, that he will on no consideration accept of office on any contingency; but that, with M. de Jaucourt and several others who are attached to his fortunes, he will quit the country and travel for some years.
I remain, my dear lord, most faithfully yours,
Various reports from places he is said to be arrived at, Brussels among others, state amongst the anecdotes I heard, that the sentinel of the Conciergerie deposed that he was so much struck by the unusual manner of his, or rather her, going out, and the way in which the jailor accompanied, that he called to arms, and for a few minutes nobody came.
A Member having asked in the House for des renseignements, it was overruled, as being more proper to wait for communications from the Ministers. None being produced for twenty-four hours, he got up next day and produced a paper. "Here is information for you!" He then produced an order, signed by the Minister of Police, dated the 18th, to all the editors of newspapers, forbidding anything whatever to be inserted respecting La Valette. The person who told me this added—" He was evidently saved by the faction—it was known that he meant to make important discoveries."
As this person is a thorough Royalist, and firmly persuaded that the country and King are only to be saved by their system, and as I believe him to be conscientiously of that opinion, I take notes generally of what he says. I must give them as shortly and incoherently as I took them.
The day after Vaublanc was in a minority, I expressed my surprise. "You don't know our way of doing things here.